Monday, January 7, 2013

IRISH HOLOCAUST COFFIN SHIPS AIRBRUSHED




The writer of this song is thought to be Patrick Carpenter, who was credited for these verses in "The Irish Singer's Own Book", of 1880 [thanks to sdog1981]. It is a traditional, narrative song that takes place during the famine and rebellion of 1848. This song is recorded as originating from County Tyrone.)

Oh father dear, I oft-times hear you speak of Erin's isle
Her lofty hills, her valleys green, her mountains rude and wild
They say she is a lovely land wherein a saint might dwell
So why did you abandon her, the reason to me tell.

Oh son, I loved my native land with energy and pride
Till a blight came o'er the praties; my sheep, my cattle died
My rent and taxes went unpaid, I could not them redeem
And that's the cruel reason why I left old Skibbereen.

Oh well do I remember that bleak December day
The landlord and the sheriff came to take us all away
They set my roof on fire with their cursed English spleen
I heaved a sigh and bade goodbye to dear old Skibbereen.

Your mother too, God rest her soul, fell on the stony ground
She fainted in her anguish seeing desolation 'round
She never rose but passed away from life to immortal dream
She found a quiet grave, me boy, in dear old Skibbereen.

And you were only two years old and feeble was your frame
I could not leave you with my friends for you bore your father's name
I wrapped you in my cóta mór in the dead of night unseen
I heaved a sigh and bade goodbye to dear old Skibbereen.

Oh father dear, the day will come when in answer to the call
All Irish men of freedom stern will rally one and all
I'll be the man to lead the band beneath the flag of green
And loud and clear we'll raise the cheer, Revenge for Skibbereen!


Many Irish people still do not know, that at the same time Irish farms were producing plenty of other foods, including corn, wheat, barley and beef. This food was taken  away by the British Government, under the noses of the starving six million children, women and men. It was taken to wealthy England by the armed guard of the British Army, who were under orders to ethnically cleanse THE native Irish from Ireland. 

The numbers of Irish involved surpassed the numbers in the Holocaust visited on the Jews later, by the Nazis. For confirmation see the the present Viceroyal in British Occupied Ireland Theresa Villiers, direct descendant of the then Vice royal in Ireland,  George Fredrick Villiers (1800 - 1870). 

While you are at it, you may ask Ms Villiers, about the current political internment without trial of Marian Price. The Irish Holocaust unlike the Jewish one has been airbrushed history by mentored, historical, revisionists. Still there is always hope that the truth will eventually see the light of day with wonderful artists like Declan O'Rourke.

A good contribution to truth and reconciliation in Ireland, can be kicked started by the British Government, making amends on a relative scale, to what the German Government made in war reparations and amends, for their holocaust visited on the Jews.

Below is and article from today's Irish Times by Siobhan Long:

Heading into history for songs of substance

SIOBHáN LONG
Percolation: a process that requires time and patience, both of which are commodities that come in short supply when it comes to the delicate art of planning a music career.
Declan O’Rourke seems to be an exception. Over the past 10 years, he has let a raft of thematically related songs insinuate themselves into the atmosphere while he continued to sate the appetites of fans, radio playlists and a wealth of artists looking for permission to borrow from his songbook. Josh Groban, Eddi Reader and Paul Weller have all, literally, sung the praises of O’Rourke’s Galileo (Someone Like You).
Recently, he’s written full orchestral arrangements for many of his songs, and performed them live with the RTÉ Concert Orchestra. It was an experience O’Rourke describes as akin to “having a huge palette of colours to play with”.
Aside from all that, he’s shared stages with Alison Krauss and Jerry Douglas, recently duetted with English folk’s Kate Rusby and shared more than a song or two with The Dubliners, but O’Rourke’s headline concert at this year’s Temple Bar Tradfest will see him occupy an altogether different space, where he’ll premiere a suite of songs he’s written over the past decade on the subject of the Irish Famine.
The germ that spawned this particular writing theme was O’Rourke’s discovery that his grandfather was born in a workhouse in Kinvara, Co Galway. Although he had only visited Kinvara once during his childhood, paintings by his grandfather of the local castle, which hung in the homes of many of his relatives, seeped so deeply beneath his skin that he felt what he describes as “a real spiritual connection” to the place. O’Rourke eventually moved to Kinvara, where he’s lived for the past six years. After picking up a book on the workhouses of Ireland, there was no turning away from a subject that’s preoccupied him ever since.
“That book had a big impact on me straight away,” he says. “And it was the personal stories that got me.” One story in particular, of a family from Macroom, struck O’Rourke with its stark and poignant juxtaposition of love and death.
“This man took his family into a workhouse, and all his children died very quickly,” he says. “So he brought his wife home, and, as she was dying, she was very cold, so he got down beside her and took her feet up on to his chest, under his shirt, and that’s where they both died, and that’s how they were both found.
“I was instantly taken by that image, and separate to my own emotional reaction, as a writer, that part of my brain was going ‘alert, alert, alert’. I was just instantly drawn to it, and had to write a song about it.”
The more he read, the more O’Rourke realised that one song could barely scratch the surface of a subject that he believes has been too often excised from our consciousness.
He also knew these songs were demanding a more traditional treatment, which would steer him away from the sound for which he’s best known, but towards something that he was drawn to from a very young age.
“My earliest memories of music are of Planxty and Paul Brady, and I can remember my legs not touching the ground, swinging them and listening to that music,” he says.
“I know there are flavours of that in my music, but I’ve also been afraid of it, because I know that sometimes, to be labelled as an Irish artist, or that you play Irish music, can really stunt your career – especially as a songwriter. The two don’t really go together.”
Serious subject matter 
O’Rourke’s dilemma about his relationship with Irish music is one that mirrors the complexity of many artists’ relationships with what they call home. It seems, though, that he’s found a satisfying way to navigate a path towards it, without diluting his primary instincts for the sounds that define him.
“Even though I’ve always been drawn to this very serious kind of music, and I’ve never stopped loving it or playing it, in a way I feel like I’ve been holding on to it with one hand, and pushing it away with the other.”
Somehow the more O’Rourke delved into this oddly elusive subject of the Famine, the easier it was to bridge the gap between the music he’d grown up with and loved, and the music he found himself writing.
“You know, I knew almost nothing about the Famine. I was never taught about it in school, any more than that it happened,” he says. “There was a gap there that needed to be filled: not only a cultural gap, but a musical gap.
“I hadn’t come across any songs about it really. I had come across Frank Harte’s album, The Hungry Voice but I’ve put that aside and I’ll only listen to it when I’m finished. When you have an idea for a certain subject you want to write about, and someone else has already done a good job, if you listen to it, you might feel that you can’t write your own material, because you can’t get the other work out of your head.
So I just set about writing these new songs fairly painstakingly– because I tend to labour over songs anyway – and they were never going to come until I had read lots about the Famine first. It’s such a serious subject and I knew I didn’t want to get it wrong.”
Temple Bar Tradfest closes with a performance of Declan O’Rourke’s suite of songs on the Famine in St Werburgh’s Church on Sunday, January 27th. templebartrad.com
The Famine:  Musical reference points 
The Hungry Voice by Frank Harte (album)
The Pursuit of Farmer Michael Hayes by Planxty
Famine by Sinéad O’Connor
The Fields of Athenry by Pete St John
Kilkelly by Mick Moloney, Jimmy Keane and Robbie O’Connell


BRITISH MENTORED UVF BELFAST FASCIST VIOLENCE OCCUPIED IRELAND





Belfast Flag Violence  Continues 5th Night

Petrol bombs, rocks and fireworks have been thrown at police in a fifth consecutive night of violence in Belfast. Protesters are demonstrating against the restricted use of the union flag at City Hall. Officers have deployed water canon.

Shots fired during loyalist flag violence in Belfast




'Barrage of missiles' against police

by Richard Gaisford - Daybreak Chief Correspondent
There has been a sustained barrage of missiles against police, some of which are big rocks. Water cannon has been used in retaliation.
It's an odd situation with loyalists on both sides of the police

Police use water cannon in Belfast

by Richard Gaisford - Daybreak Chief Correspondent
Police with water cannon trying to push loyalists up Lower Newtownards Road away from nationalists. Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak
Fireworks and bottles are being thrown in east Belfast, near St. Matthews Church. Missiles appear to come from the nationalists behind the peace wall.
Police are using water cannon in bid to push the loyalists up Lower Newtownards Road away from nationalists.
'Petrol bombs and missiles' thrown in Dundonald
Police move off from Belfast City Hall in large numbers amid reports of petrol bombs in Dundonald. Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak
Petrol bombs and other missiles have been thrown at police officers in Dundonald, east of Belfast, 
Protesters head towards the police line. Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak
Protesters move back to the main gates of Belfast City Hall after a short-lived encounter with the police.Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak

Crowd 'tries to force gates open' at Belfast City Hall

A crowd listens to a speech outside the Belfast City Hall. Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak
A crowd listens to a speech condemning the British Flag decision outside the Belfast City Hall. Some members attempted to force the gates open with no success.ABOUT 3 HOURS AGO

trouble ahead of council meeting

Police have sealed off the east entrance to Belfast City Hall ahead of the monthly council meeting. Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak
Two water cannon wait the side streets close to Belfast City Hall. Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak
Around 500 protesters arrive at Belfast City Hall, many carrying the Union flag. Credit: Richard Gaisford/Daybreak

UVF Belfast violence

Belfast violence
A burned out car during disturbances which erupted in east Belfast. Credit: Paul Faith/PA Wire
Senior members of the paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) are orchestrating loyalist street violence that has seen police come under attack in Belfast for the past four nights, Northern Ireland's Chief Constable has said.
While the violence has erupted at ongoing Union flag protests in the east of the city, Matt Baggott today called for an end to all such demonstrations across the region.
So far 62 police officers have been injured and 96 people arrested in violence which Mr Baggott described as "utterly unacceptable" and "being done for their own selfish motives."
Loyalists pickets have been continuing since early December in response to a decision by Belfast City Council to limit the number of days the flag flies over City Hall.

Irish politicians targeted with death threats

Several Northern Ireland politicians have received bullets or other forms of ammunition in the post in recent weeks, including:
  • Cross-community Alliance Party East Belfast MP Naomi Long
  • Alliance leader David Ford
  • Councillor Gerardine Mulvenna
  • Sinn Fein Assembly members Gerry Kelly and Alex Maskey
  • SDLP Assembly member Patsy McGlone
The death threats have come amid street violence that has broken out following loyalist protests over the flying of the Union flag from Belfast's city hall.

Bullet sent to Assembly member in post

Patsy McGlone
Patsy McGlone said threats would not put him off his job of representing the people of Mid Ulster. Credit: Paul Faith/PA Archive
Nationalist assembly member Patsy McGlone has hit out at "faceless fascists" after he became the latest politician in Northern Ireland to receive a death threat in the post.
The senior SDLP figure confirmed he was sent a package with his name and picture that contained a bullet and sympathy card.
He paid tribute to the staff at the Royal Mail sorting office near Belfast, who intercepted the parcel, and the Police Service of Northern Ireland for their "professionalism and vigilance."

DEATH THREAT TO BRIT IRISH






By Barry Duggan
Monday, 7 January 2013
Dissident republicans have issued a threat to all Irish citizens who are serving in the British armed forces and warned that they are a “legitimate target” for the Continuity IRA.
The threat was made openly in Limerick city on behalf of the |dissident group.
The warning to Irish men and women serving in the British military, which came at an annual commemoration of IRA man Sean South, was issued on behalf of Continuity IRA prisoners.
The event was organised by Republican Sinn Fein (RSF) and took place at the republican plot at Mount Saint Lawrence cemetery, which was closely watched by plain-clothed garda officers.
The threat comes less than a month after gardai in Limerick foiled a Continuity IRA plot to murder a British soldier on a visit home to the city over the Christmas holidays.
Michael Kiely, from Corbally, Limerick, read the Continuity IRA statement in front of 60 people at Sean South's graveside.
“The moment you don a British uniform, you become a legitimate target for the IRA,” Mr Kiely said.


Saturday, January 5, 2013

FEAR OF BRITISH BOMBING DUBLIN AGAIN GROW AS BELFAST BURNS







Fears are growing in Dublin, that the British will again bomb the city, under the cover of loyalism, as Belfast loyalists are threatening to come south, after a third night of loyalist rioting in Belfast, with gunshots being fired in east Belfast yesterday. Three nights of rioting by the paramilitary UVF, escalated yesterday, with the help of British fascist from England. Tonight again saw attacks against both the PSNI police and residents of the nationalist Short Strand enclave been augmented by fascists and Nazis from England.

A loyalist gunman opened fire tonight in east Belfast as three nights of rioting by the paramilitary UVF escalated. Tonight again saw attacksagainst both the PSNI police and residents of the nationalist Short Strand enclave. Concern that the British will again bomb Dublin were already growing in 2012 after large primed bombs were found within mile of Garda HQ in Dublin, Áras an Uachtaráin and the US ambassador’s residence.

Police then said bombs that size could blow up a double-decker bus or destroy a building and would “almost certainly” result in fatalities in Dublin.Sources say the bomb found were “way too big” and sophisticated to be used by just organised crime gangs. The bombs were made of home-made explosives with booster commercial explosives. The wiring, detonating mechanisms and batteries needed were present. Commenting on one of the bombs found in Dublin last year, one source said, “It was a full bomb and it was ready for use.”


An Irish Republican Newsflash states that there was a third night of loyalist riots,with shots fired yesterday in east Belfast.


 A loyalist gunman opened fire tonight in east Belfast as three nights
 of rioting by the paramilitary UVF escalated. Tonight again saw attacks
 against both the PSNI police and residents of the nationalist Short
 Strand enclave.

 The PSNI said they had come under fire and arrested a loyalist on
 suspicion of attempted murder.

 While examples of British state forces in the North coming under fire
 from unionist paramilitaries are extremely rare, the incident marks a
 potentially significant development in the UVF's campaign of terror.

 There have been paramilitary-orchestrated protests in Belfast since
 early December when Alliance members on Belfast City Council voted with
 Sinn Fein and the SDLP to restrict the number of days on which the
 British union flag flies over City Hall to 15 from 365.

 The violence, which stopped over Christmas, began again on Thursday.

 Today's disorder began this afternoon when hundreds of loyalists
 returning east from a protest at City Hall again attacked nationalist
 homes in the Short Strand enclave, before turning their firepower on
 the PSNI. The PSNI turned water cannon against more than 100 loyalists
 hurling fireworks, smoke bombs and bricks, before gunshots rang out.

 Last night saw open street violence on the Lower Newtownards Road, the
 Beersbridge area and in Newtownabbey areas of Belfast. Missiles
 including petrol bombs, fireworks, bricks and ball bearings were again
 thrown at nationalists and the PSNI.

 'PROTECT THE SHORT STRAND'

 Local Sinn Fein Councillor Niall O Donnghaile called on the PSNI to
 ensure that attacks on isolated catholic communities like the Short
 Strand "masked under the guise of flag protests" are brought to an
 immediate end.

 "There has been some good work done by the PSNI in keeping unionist
 rioters away from this community but significant mistakes have been
 made in facilitating illegal protests and marches in East Belfast," the
 former Sinn Fein Lord Mayor added.

 East Belfast MP Naomi Long described reports that shots had been fired
 in the vicinity as "deeply disturbing." The Alliance politician said it
 was further proof the ongoing protests were becoming inextricably
 linked with violence.

 "This latest rioting, and chilling reports of shots being fired, mark a
 new low and must be unequivocally condemned.  The context for policing
 them has changed as the protests and violence have become more
 orchestrated," she said.

 Tanaiste Eamon Gilmore also condemned the loyalist violence.

 "This is the third successive day of unrest in Belfast," he said.
 "These attacks over the past three days are not the mark of legitimate
 protest but are the actions of a small group who want to bring Northern
 Ireland back to a darker past".

The death toll in the British bombing of Dublin last time was 34 people, which included the Monaghan bombings at the same time, sanctioned by the British Government.The 34 people were all innocent Irish victims, from the two no warning explosions by the British, which included a pregnant woman and a stillborn child. The loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force who were shooting in Belfast yesterday claimed they carried out the bombings in 1994 under orders from the British Government. The Tory Government i Britain has broken the terms of the peace process by refusing to open their files on the matter as agreed.

Busloads of loyalists from where most of the foot soldiers of the Dublin bombers came from, plan to leave Belfast, Co Armagh and from Co Derry/Tyrone to make another journey to Leinster House and demand that Irish flags be removed over Dublin. Bullets have also  been sent to five Irish politicians. Speaking from East Belfast MP Naomi Long, whose constituency office was bombed in Loyalist attacks, likened it to previous Loyalist pogroms in Belfast, saying the loyalist campaign of violence was akin to fascism. She said “It is absolutely appalling that anyone would attempt to murder two police officers." “This is not what democracy looks like....It is what fascism looks like and we need to stand firm in the face of fascism – united across these islands to say that this is not acceptable.”

Loyalists have now attempted the murder of the PSNI or British paramilitary police on several occasions now in the last couple of weeks alone. However British policy still remains the same in Ireland, with the internment without trial of Irish nationalists and Irish republicans, many without any public evidence of wrongdoing, while still adopting a softly, softly approach to the British Government's sponsored loyalists, fascist bombers and gunmen.

European Courts Only Human Rights Route for Marian Price British Occupied Ireland







The political internment of Marian Price, is a clear a breach of Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights and of Article 5 of the Convention. The Convention protects the individual from being subject to torture, including inhuman and degrading treatment, Article 3 and also the right to liberty and security of the person Article 5. Those in detention are also protected by the United Nations Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, by common law doctrines and the rules of natural justice, as developed by domestic courts.

The basis of Marian Price's release from prison in 1980, was a Royal Prerogative of Mercy. In the absence of the documents concerned, a decision cannot be made either by the by the British Vice-royal or the Parole Commissioners, regarding the grounds for her detention, especially when she was originally granted bail by the courts.

No legal authority can take a decision based on the contents of a document it has not seen or make inference concerning the apparent contents of a document, the prosecutors mislaid or destroyed.

In cases such as Marian Price, where secret evidence is being relied upon by the British Vice-royal or supposed anonymous parole commissioners, without any safeguards in place, for the protection from abuse of the political internee, there is in this instance, a clear case of political internment without a fair or transparent trial.

The point of abuse of process, is long past in the instance of Marian Price and the European Courts are the only peaceful route to justice in this matter of British abuse of Human Rights.

All Irish citizens and  British commoners of the UK, are afforded the protection of the European Convention on Human Rights, as given partial effect in domestic law under the Human Rights Act 1998. This includes the rights of political internees in British Occupied Ireland.