FEAR OF BRITISH BOMBING DUBLIN AGAIN GROW AS BELFAST BURNS

Fears are growing in Dublin, that the British will again bomb the city, under the cover of loyalism, as Belfast loyalists are threatening to come south, after a third night of loyalist rioting in Belfast, with gunshots being fired in east Belfast yesterday. Three nights of rioting by the paramilitary UVF, escalated yesterday, with the help of British fascist from England. Tonight again saw attacks against both the PSNI police and residents of the nationalist Short Strand enclave been augmented by fascists and Nazis from England.

A loyalist gunman opened fire tonight in east Belfast as three nights of rioting by the paramilitary UVF escalated. Tonight again saw attacksagainst both the PSNI police and residents of the nationalist Short Strand enclave. Concern that the British will again bomb Dublin were already growing in 2012 after large primed bombs were found within mile of Garda HQ in Dublin, Áras an Uachtaráin and the US ambassador’s residence.

Police then said bombs that size could blow up a double-decker bus or destroy a building and would “almost certainly” result in fatalities in Dublin.Sources say the bomb found were “way too big” and sophisticated to be used by just organised crime gangs. The bombs were made of home-made explosives with booster commercial explosives. The wiring, detonating mechanisms and batteries needed were present. Commenting on one of the bombs found in Dublin last year, one source said, “It was a full bomb and it was ready for use.”


An Irish Republican Newsflash states that there was a third night of loyalist riots,with shots fired yesterday in east Belfast.


 A loyalist gunman opened fire tonight in east Belfast as three nights
 of rioting by the paramilitary UVF escalated. Tonight again saw attacks
 against both the PSNI police and residents of the nationalist Short
 Strand enclave.

 The PSNI said they had come under fire and arrested a loyalist on
 suspicion of attempted murder.

 While examples of British state forces in the North coming under fire
 from unionist paramilitaries are extremely rare, the incident marks a
 potentially significant development in the UVF's campaign of terror.

 There have been paramilitary-orchestrated protests in Belfast since
 early December when Alliance members on Belfast City Council voted with
 Sinn Fein and the SDLP to restrict the number of days on which the
 British union flag flies over City Hall to 15 from 365.

 The violence, which stopped over Christmas, began again on Thursday.

 Today's disorder began this afternoon when hundreds of loyalists
 returning east from a protest at City Hall again attacked nationalist
 homes in the Short Strand enclave, before turning their firepower on
 the PSNI. The PSNI turned water cannon against more than 100 loyalists
 hurling fireworks, smoke bombs and bricks, before gunshots rang out.

 Last night saw open street violence on the Lower Newtownards Road, the
 Beersbridge area and in Newtownabbey areas of Belfast. Missiles
 including petrol bombs, fireworks, bricks and ball bearings were again
 thrown at nationalists and the PSNI.

 'PROTECT THE SHORT STRAND'

 Local Sinn Fein Councillor Niall O Donnghaile called on the PSNI to
 ensure that attacks on isolated catholic communities like the Short
 Strand "masked under the guise of flag protests" are brought to an
 immediate end.

 "There has been some good work done by the PSNI in keeping unionist
 rioters away from this community but significant mistakes have been
 made in facilitating illegal protests and marches in East Belfast," the
 former Sinn Fein Lord Mayor added.

 East Belfast MP Naomi Long described reports that shots had been fired
 in the vicinity as "deeply disturbing." The Alliance politician said it
 was further proof the ongoing protests were becoming inextricably
 linked with violence.

 "This latest rioting, and chilling reports of shots being fired, mark a
 new low and must be unequivocally condemned.  The context for policing
 them has changed as the protests and violence have become more
 orchestrated," she said.

 Tanaiste Eamon Gilmore also condemned the loyalist violence.

 "This is the third successive day of unrest in Belfast," he said.
 "These attacks over the past three days are not the mark of legitimate
 protest but are the actions of a small group who want to bring Northern
 Ireland back to a darker past".

The death toll in the British bombing of Dublin last time was 34 people, which included the Monaghan bombings at the same time, sanctioned by the British Government.The 34 people were all innocent Irish victims, from the two no warning explosions by the British, which included a pregnant woman and a stillborn child. The loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force who were shooting in Belfast yesterday claimed they carried out the bombings in 1994 under orders from the British Government. The Tory Government i Britain has broken the terms of the peace process by refusing to open their files on the matter as agreed.

Busloads of loyalists from where most of the foot soldiers of the Dublin bombers came from, plan to leave Belfast, Co Armagh and from Co Derry/Tyrone to make another journey to Leinster House and demand that Irish flags be removed over Dublin. Bullets have also  been sent to five Irish politicians. Speaking from East Belfast MP Naomi Long, whose constituency office was bombed in Loyalist attacks, likened it to previous Loyalist pogroms in Belfast, saying the loyalist campaign of violence was akin to fascism. She said “It is absolutely appalling that anyone would attempt to murder two police officers." “This is not what democracy looks like....It is what fascism looks like and we need to stand firm in the face of fascism – united across these islands to say that this is not acceptable.”

Loyalists have now attempted the murder of the PSNI or British paramilitary police on several occasions now in the last couple of weeks alone. However British policy still remains the same in Ireland, with the internment without trial of Irish nationalists and Irish republicans, many without any public evidence of wrongdoing, while still adopting a softly, softly approach to the British Government's sponsored loyalists, fascist bombers and gunmen.

European Courts Only Human Rights Route for Marian Price British Occupied Ireland

The political internment of Marian Price, is a clear a breach of Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights and of Article 5 of the Convention. The Convention protects the individual from being subject to torture, including inhuman and degrading treatment, Article 3 and also the right to liberty and security of the person Article 5. Those in detention are also protected by the United Nations Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, by common law doctrines and the rules of natural justice, as developed by domestic courts.

The basis of Marian Price's release from prison in 1980, was a Royal Prerogative of Mercy. In the absence of the documents concerned, a decision cannot be made either by the by the British Vice-royal or the Parole Commissioners, regarding the grounds for her detention, especially when she was originally granted bail by the courts.

No legal authority can take a decision based on the contents of a document it has not seen or make inference concerning the apparent contents of a document, the prosecutors mislaid or destroyed.

In cases such as Marian Price, where secret evidence is being relied upon by the British Vice-royal or supposed anonymous parole commissioners, without any safeguards in place, for the protection from abuse of the political internee, there is in this instance, a clear case of political internment without a fair or transparent trial.

The point of abuse of process, is long past in the instance of Marian Price and the European Courts are the only peaceful route to justice in this matter of British abuse of Human Rights.

All Irish citizens and  British commoners of the UK, are afforded the protection of the European Convention on Human Rights, as given partial effect in domestic law under the Human Rights Act 1998. This includes the rights of political internees in British Occupied Ireland.