>>>>>> Flash: Outrage as Martin Corey's release is blocked
A veteran republican today won his court challenge against hus
internment -- but his release was dramatically blocked by the British
government.
Martin Corey, a 61-year-old man from County Armagh, was ordered to be
freed on unconditional bail after he surprisingly won a legal challenge
against his internment this afternoon.
But in a dramatic day for the North of Ireland's irregular judicial
system, the British Direct Ruler Owen Paterson intervened to order his
continued detention.
The Lurgan man was sentenced to life in 1973 and was released in 1992.
But his release licence was revoked in 2010 over 'secret' allegations
which were never revealed. In one of the most high-profile internments
of the post-peace process era, the former British Direct Ruler Shaun
Woodward then ordered Mr Corey's imprisonment on the basis of "closed
material".
The court hearing today centred on the legality of the secrecy
surrounding the basis upon which the veteran political dissident was
sent back to jail.
In August last year the Parole Commissioners decided that the revocation
of Mr Corey's licence should remain in force. They considered what was
described as 'open' material, as well as 'confidential' material, of
which neither Corey nor his legal representatives had sight.
Mr Corey received an unexpected endorsement this afternoon from an
infamously anti-republican judge, Justice Treacy, who ruled this
afternoon that parole commissioners had breached his human rights in
refusing to release him.
He held there had been a breach of the European Convention on Human
Rights which states that anyone deprived of their liberty can have the
lawfulness of detention decided by a court.
The judge found that the so-called 'open' evidence did not advance the
British Direct Ruler's case against Corey, meaning that his decision was
solely based on the 'confidential' material.
Justice Treacy also ruled that the Parole Commissioners misdirected
themselves in law and failed to provide a sufficient safeguard against
the secretive claims of the British government.
After the court ruling, his supporters expressed elation, but also
concern at the slowness of the authorities at Maghaberry prison to act
on the court order.
There fears were not helped by the mainstream media, all of whom
reported in turn that Mr Corey had in fact been released to his family
and friends.
It was hours later that it was confirmed that the British government had
blocked his release. No grounds for that action have yet been
expressed. There is to be a further court hearing tomorrow [Tuesday].
We will update this story as further information becomes available.
Today it is Marian Price, Martin Corey and Gerry McGeough along with numerous young Irish people interned without trial or by diplock remand. The continued imprisonment and torture of Marian Price in British Occupied Ireland is clearly an abuse of human rights. By any definition of human rights, solitary confinement for 15 months is torture. The U.N. special rapporteur has stated that solitary confinement for more than 15 days is torture and creates considerable psychological damage.
Ms. Price is close to 60 years old and suffers severe complications from arthritis and gastric disorders from being force fed 400 times previously on hunger strike it is obvious she is truly not a "threat to society" as two judges already ruled and ordered her immediate release. The unelected English Viceroy for British Occupied Ireland Owen Paterson, has on the same secret intelligence overuled both and a previous Queen's pardon to intern her without trial.
Her crime? Holding a piece of paper, a political statement, for a masked man at a traditional Easter Rising ceremony. Whether we agree or not with Ms. Price's politics and opposition to British repression and occupation in Ireland, her treatment is meant to be a threat to anyone who disagrees with British government thinking you are considered a criminal if you challenge the British occupation in Ireland even by peaceful means.
INTERNMENT CREATED A WAR THAT CREATED PROVISIONAL SINN FEIN
" INTERNMENT In the early hours of the 9th August 1971 British soldiers launched operation Demetrius, the introduction of internment without trial. Internment had been employed by the Unionist Government at Stormont in every decade since the creation of the northern state as a means to suppress Republican opposition. In the 1920s, 1930s, 1940s, 1950s and 1960s republican suspects had been imprisoned without trial. As violence increased in 1970 and 1971 the Unionist Government again came under increasing pressure to clamp down on the activities of the IRA. By August 1971 the Stormont Government had convinced the British Government that internment offered the best method of dealing with the increasing violence, and pointed to its repeated success in previous decades. In an attempt to reduce the expected nationalist outrage a ban on all parades was announced at the same time, aimed at defusing the potential for unrest that the Apprentice Boys parade on the 12th August posed. Relying on outdated lists containing 450 names provided by the RUC Special Branch, the British Army swept into nationalist areas of the north and arrested 342 men. The RUC intelligence, however, was hopelessly outdated and many of those arrested had no connections with the IRA. Others, although Republican minded, had not been active in decades. Others arrested included prominent members of the Civil Rights movement. In one instance in Armagh the British Army sought to arrest a man who had been dead for the past 4 years. It appears that the rapid radicalisation of much of the north’s nationalist community, and the RUC’s alienation from that community in the previous 2 years, had created a large intelligence gap in RUC files. Indeed, so out of date were the lists that within 48 hours 116 of those arrested were released. The remainder were detained at Crumlin Rd prison and the prison ship The Maidstone.
Internees being transported to the Maidstone prison ship, August 1971.
Many of those active Republicans whose names were on the lists had been forewarned that internment was imminent and had gone on ‘the run’. At dawn on 23 July 1971, 1,800 troops and RUC raided Republican houses across the north, searching for documents. This operation was viewed by many Republicans as a dry run for internment and they responded accordingly. Remarkably no Loyalists were arrested in the operation, despite the fact that the UVF had been active since 1966. The first Protestant internees were not arrested until 2nd February 1973. The reaction of the Nationalist community was furious. This anger was reinforced when news of the treatment of the internees, particularly 11 men who became known as the "hooded men" became public. This anger took the form of increased support for the IRA and the commencement of a campaign of civil disobedience that enjoyed overwhelming support within the nationalist community."
Britain has been found guilty of torture of prisoners in Ireland by the European Court at Strasbourg and promised not to repeat that torture but the like all the broken promise of the Peace agreement the Tory Party since its election have been systematically breaking these promises and returning to war on the Irish people, Internment without trial is wartime activity on defenceless population.
THE HOODED MEN
in depth interrogation with the use of hooding, white noise, sleep deprivation, prolonged enforced physical exercise together with a diet of bread and water.
deceiving detainees into believing that they were to be thrown from high flying helicopters. In reality the blindfolded detainees were thrown from a helicopter that hovered approximately 4 feet above the ground.
forcing detainees to run an obstacle course over broken glass and rough ground whilst being beaten.
The combination of botched arrests, stories of brutality escaping from the internment centres and the reintroduction of internment, which was viewed as a form of communal punishment and humiliation, unleashed a wave of violence across the north, with practically no military gains to offset the impact internment had on the entire nationalist community.
In Derry City barricades were again erected around Free Derry and for the next 11 months these areas effectively seceded from Northern Ireland. Protests, street demonstrations and riots were common as the entire community sought to demonstrate its opposition to internment. At the same time a rents and rates strike was introduced in protest against internment and within weeks was supported, according to government figures, by 26,000 households. A day of action on the 16th August saw 8,000 Derry workers on strike. The next day 30 prominent Derry Catholics withdrew from public bodies, as Jack Lynch called for the immediate end of internment and 3 days later 130 anti Unionist local councillors across the north withdrew from local councils.
British troops coming under attack in the Bogside, Autumn 1971.
John Hume, soaked by a water-cannon, is arrested during an anti internment protest in Derry, August 1971.
The IRA held a press conference in Belfast on the 13th August at which Joe Cahill, the Officer Commanding the IRA in Belfast, claimed that internment had had no noticeable effect on IRA structures and the campaign would continue. The statistics add weight to his words. In the remainder of August 1971 35 people were killed, 1 more than the total for the previous 7 months, and c. 7,000 Catholic families had fled across the border. By the year’s end 139 people had been killed since the introduction of internment.
In an attempt to provide a mechanism for the expression of non violent opposition to internment a number of rallies and marches were planned. On Christmas Day 1971 c. 4,000 protestors attempted to march from Belfast to Long Kesh.
This march was blocked before reaching its destination on the M1 motorway and dispersed.
On the 22nd January another protest march took place at Magilligan Strand, not far from Derry City.
This protest was blocked by the British Army and dispersed with violence, in which members of the Parachute Regiment were prominent. The next anti-internment rally was planned for Derry, on Sunday 30th January 1972 where the British army shot the people of the street shooting dozens and slaughtering 13 unarmed civilians.
The family of Jean McConville, killed and secretly buried by the IRA 40 years ago, have welcomed a US appeal court ruling that an interview with a former IRA volunteer should be handed to police according to the British Bulllscutter Coperation.
"In the Boston College recording, Dolours Price allegedly discusses Mrs McConville's death.
She spoke on the strict understanding that the interview would be kept secret until after her death.
But a US Appeal Court ruled a tape transcript should be handed to police."
Detectives in the RUC/Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) investigating the murder of Mrs McConville, one of the so-called "Disappeared", requested the transcript.
"The Disappeared were people abducted, murdered and secretly buried by the IRA. In 1972, Jean McConville, a mother of 10, was taken from her Divis Street home in Belfast and was shot and buried near a County Louth beach. Her body was found at Shelling Hill beach in 2003.
Speaking on BBC NI's Good Morning Ulster on Monday, Michael McConville, Jean's son, welcomed the court ruling.
He said he wanted those involved in his mother's murder to be "named and shamed".
"I am not really worried about prosecution but the people that murdered my mother, I would like them to be named and shamed," he said.
"We get to know who the people were who murdered my mother. If something happens to them that will be good enough for our family."
The material is expected to be handed over next month.
He makes the case that he feels threatened and his wife and his family are under threat”
Kevin WintersAntony McIntyre's solicitor
The interviews with former republicans and loyalists involved in the Troubles are part of the Boston College Belfast Project which began in 2001 and lasted five years.
They were conducted by former IRA member turned academic Anthony McIntyre and journalist Ed Moloney. They have argued against any disclosure of the material.
They stressed that those interviewed from both the Catholic and Protestant sides of the conflict were promised confidentiality until their deaths and argue the release could harm the peace process.
They plan to challenge the ruling and have the case re-heard. Mr McIntyre's solicitor, Kevin Winters, said legal action was also being taken in Northern Ireland, on the grounds that his client's human rights may be breached if Boston College hands the material to the police.
"He makes the case that he feels threatened and his wife and his family are under threat.
"The ruling on Friday night, if it crystallises in the transfer of material to police, he says will escalate the threat and that is something we have to be mindful of," said Mr Winters.
It is expected an American Court will make a decision in the next few weeks, on whether further interviews with seven IRA members as part of the Boston College project can also be given to the RUC/PSNI.
The BBC maintains that, "Dolours Price participated in the car bombing of the Old Bailey courthouse in London on 8 March 1973. The explosion injured more than 200 people.
After speaking to Boston College, Ms Price later gave an interview to a newspaper journalist, in which she admitted that she had taken part in the Belfast Project.
In that interview she allegedly claimed to have been the person who drove one of the Disappeared, mother-of-10 Jean McConville, to her death in 1972.
Dolours Price told a newspaper journalist she had taken part in the Belfast Project
The PSNI said it had re-opened the inquiry into Mrs McConville's murder and was seeking the transcripts on that basis.
Initial court decisions in the United States accepted the PSNI's interest as legitimate, and the tapes of the Price interview and seven others deemed pertinent to an investigation into the Disappeared were placed in the hands of the US federal court.
Testimonies
In her ruling, chief Appeal Court Judge Sandra Lynch said the researchers could not state a claim that they have rights under a legal-assistance treaty between the United States and the United Kingdom.
She also acknowledged that while the researchers claimed an academic research privilege under their constitutional rights to freedom of speech, "the choice to investigate criminal activity belongs to the government and is not subject to veto by academic researchers." "
The Belfast Project involved academics, historians and journalists conducting interviews with former republicans and loyalists about their activities during the Troubles.
The researchers have argued that releasing the documents could risk the lives of people who gave testimonies.
Baloney College Archive
September 13, 2011 by danny morrison
Filed under Latest
Wrote a piece about the Boston College’s flawed archive on the conflict, which was produced by two people hostile to the Republican Movement given carte blanche, Ed Moloney and Anthony McIntyre. The feature was published in today’s Irish Voice in the USA. – link here.
As the legal case by the US Department of Justice, on behalf of British authorities, to subpoena and recover recorded testaments by former IRA activists who participated in the Boston College Belfast Project continues, it is worth looking at some of the claims and counter-claims.
On the defensive is Boston College’s Thomas Hachey (executive director of the Irish Studies program), Ed Moloney (Project Director) and Anthony McIntyre (who conducted the 26 interviews with former IRA Volunteers). One argument they have made is that if the subpoena is successful it will have a serious negative effect on the practice of oral history generally, which is only partially true as I shall demonstrate.
But Moloney has also ridiculously claimed that there is a “possibility that the IRA could abduct and torture [McIntyre] to learn the names of others who co-operated with the Belfast Project”. This is patent nonsense because McIntyre for the past 15 years has spent his writing life ridiculing the IRA and Sinn Fein and none expressed any fear of IRA retaliation when Hachey penned a glowing introduction to Moloney’s tendentious book ‘Voices From The Grave’, based on interviews McIntyre conducted with former IRA Volunteer Brendan Hughes, the whole thrust of which according to many respected historians, reviewers and commentators was to undermine Gerry Adams and republican involvement in the Good Friday Agreement. Lately, the pair, invoking patriotism as a last refuge, hilariously claimed that the release of the material “could be immensely destructive to the peace process in Northern Ireland” and could damage Gerry Adams!
We only need to read their published writings to see that Moloney and McIntyre were never innocent historians or researchers.
This project would have been of immense value to oral history and learning from the past had it adopted a few simple principles. Instead, it was poisoned from the outset and Boston College and Thomas Hachey facilitated this skewed version of the past. Did Hachey ever ask why scores of pro-peace process republicans, prominent in the struggle, were never asked to participate?
The organisers and some participants provoked this court case – though we have a duty to defend the confidentiality of the archive though not alone on the spurious grounds suggested by the organisers. Moloney’s book names certain republicans as having been involved in certain killings. One of the interviewees, Dolours Price, in an unguarded newspaper interview, apparently repeating what she had confessed to McIntyre on tape, also speaks about at least three killings.
Did Moloney ever consider the rights of these relatives of victims to go to the PSNI and the Historic Enquiries Team and demand action?
Where was his concern with ethics when he acted as judge and jury to slander and implicate other republicans without giving them a chance to defend themselves or respond to the allegations? To have asked them for their oral history memory would have required a bit of work and might well have undermined Brendan Hughes’s account so substantially as to have rendered him an unreliable witness.
The legacy of the conflict and what happened during the conflict and which party or parties bear major responsibility for the conflict, and who won this or lost that, are arguments heavily contested. They are played out in political debate, in newspapers, in memoirs and biographies, but with some recognisable semblance of cut and thrust and fair play.
In West Belfast the Dúchas project has been collecting oral histories for some time (including, from combatants) and has made many of its interviews available. For a humble community organisation the project would appear to have higher ethical standards than that of Boston College. Participants are interviewed on the basis of ‘informed consent’; that they can delete things with which they are not entirely happy; and that they know that what they say is going to go into the public arena for scrutiny during their lifetime and they are responsible for their own story. They talk about their own lives rather than implicating others (including former comrades)
They are not made promises that the archivists cannot keep and they are clearly told that the archive is not above the prevailing law. The archive is subject to the law.
Similarly one of the core principles of Healing Through Remembering, a politically diverse organisation looking at how we should deal with the past, is drawn from the tradition of medical ethics and includes four components: the disclosure to participants of all information about the risks and benefits of the process, the competency of the participants to evaluate this information, the understanding by participants of the information, and the voluntary acceptance by participants of the risks and benefits.
But when we come to Boston College we have a distorted project. I do not believe that the central aim of those involved is to have Adams arrested and prosecuted but only to punish him through embarrassment and calumny, because the evidential worth of the archive is only hearsay against Adams.
However, where other participants’ contributions involve incriminating confessions about acts for which they have never been prosecuted (and Dolours Price’s putative interviews about kidnappings and cross-border executions is a case in point) then questions have to be asked of Anthony McIntyre, Ed Moloney and Thomas Hachey and the Boston College with whom the buck ultimately stops.
I think the case of total irresponsibility and interview bias against McIntyre and Moloney has been well made and needs no rehearsing. But what of Boston College? On what precedents is it relying to defend not handing over the tapes? It cannot rely on the fact that it promised the participants confidentiality because that was never within its gift and it should have warned the participants of the risk.
The college cannot claim journalistic privilege about sources because the tapes themselves, proffered to the college, identify the sources (they are not shorthand scribbles or anonymous IRA interviews in which the voices are unidentified which McIntyre can refuse to identify).
The College can reasonably claim that the successful seizure of the tapes will deter anyone else, anywhere else in the world from participating in a similar project. But, again, in allowing Moloney to precipitously publish the book upon the death of Brendan Hughes for short-term gain (the embarrassment of Adams) the college exposed its bias and major short-comings. Not too many were thinking of the value of the project – or the imperilment of the project - when the first reviews appeared, were they?
Once the book was published, once Dolours Price said what she said, the families of the victims were bound to kick up a storm and elements of the British security establishment were either bound to exploit the opportunity or were compelled by families to take some action.
Apparently, no one is responsible for this debacle! Ask McIntrye or Moloney who is to blame and they blame everybody but themselves. Meanwhile, Hachey is scrambling for a good defence.
Would Thomas Hachey consider as a defence the innocent people who will be incriminated? That is, those of us who have been named as involved in this or that but to whom the allegations were never put for rebuttal by Moloney or McIntyre but simply lodged in Boston College as a time bomb? As one of those slandered by Brendan Hughes and, more recently, scandalously linked to a 1975 sectarian killing by McIntyre, possibly inadvertently quoting one of those he interviewed and thus breaching the supposed sacrosanct embargo, I believe we have some rights.
But such a motion would involve an admission that the whole process was flawed from beginning to end.
To thwart the PSNI and the subpoenas, I suggest that the participants withdraw the tapes – unless Moloney and McIntyre never gave them that option? Back in Belfast, having been briefed about ‘informed consent’ the participants could then release the tapes if they wish or publish books, knowing, of course, that they are in the same boat as those they implicate.
History could then judge them and their claims.
What could be simpler?
Why the Boston College Irish oral history project should be discontinued
As the legal case by the US Department of Justice, on behalf of British authorities, to subpoena and recover recorded testaments by former IRA activists who participated in the Boston College Belfast Project continues, it is worth looking at some of the claims and counter-claims.
On the defensive is Boston College’s Thomas Hachey (executive director of the Irish Studies program), Ed Moloney (Project Director) and Anthony McIntyre (who conducted the 26 interviews with former IRA Volunteers). One argument they have made is that if the subpoena is successful it will have a serious negative effect on the practice of oral history generally, which is only partially true as I shall demonstrate.
But Moloney has also ridiculously claimed that there is a “possibility that the IRA could abduct and torture [McIntyre] to learn the names of others who co-operated with the Belfast Project”. This is patent nonsense because McIntyre for the past 15 years has spent his writing life ridiculing the IRA and Sinn Fein and no one expressed any fear of IRA retaliation when Hachey penned a glowing introduction to Moloney’s tendentious book ‘Voices From The Grave’, based on interviews McIntyre conducted with former IRA Volunteer Brendan Hughes, the whole thrust of which according to many respected historians, reviewers and commentators was to undermine Gerry Adams and republican involvement in the Good Friday Agreement.
Lately, the pair, invoking patriotism as a last refuge, hilariously claimed that the release of the material “could be immensely destructive to the peace process in Northern Ireland” and could damage Gerry Adams!
We only need to read their published writings to see that Moloney and McIntyre were never innocent historians or researchers.
This project would have been of immense value to oral history and learning from the past had it adopted a few simple principles. Instead, it was poisoned from the outset and Boston College and Thomas Hachey facilitated this skewed version of the past. Did Hachey ever ask why scores of pro-peace process republicans, prominent in the struggle, were never asked to participate?
The organisers and some participants provoked this court case – though we have a duty to defend the confidentiality of the archive though not alone on the spurious grounds suggested by the organisers. Moloney’s book names certain republicans as having been involved in certain killings. One of the interviewees, Dolours Price, in an unguarded newspaper interview, apparently repeating what she had confessed to McIntyre on tape, also speaks about at least three killings.
Did Moloney ever consider the rights of these relatives of victims to go to the PSNI and the Historic Enquiries Team and demand action?
Where was his concern with ethics when he acted as judge and jury to slander and implicate other republicans without giving them a chance to defend themselves or respond to the allegations? To have asked them for their oral history memory would have required a bit of work and might well have undermined Brendan Hughes’s account so substantially as to have rendered him an unreliable witness.
Go raibh maith agat Danny Morrison for all that you have done for Justice, Freedom and Peace in Ireland. Thanks for your work with the Bobby Sands Trust. And thanks ever so much for all your writings which have been a true inspiration to so many of us. Slan go foill mo chara.
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dan Breen | Sep 14, 2011, 05:21 PM EDT
Mr. Morrison , you should be knighted by lord O'Dowd for this article being publish. Also your uncle harry (white) must be turning in his grave ! I think Mr.Morrison is upset cause he was not ask for his story ! WWHHHHAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA!
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patriot | Sep 14, 2011, 03:47 PM EDT
I don't believe in any god, I believe in a united Ireland. And now that the church is out of our way, try and stop us.
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patriot | Sep 14, 2011, 03:43 PM EDT
There were no "victims" during the Troubles. It was a war and the brits lost. You cannot prosecute a soldier for killing his enemy during wartime. If you try that, you will simply return to a wartime period which us true Irish welcome as we all still want all you brits out now and forever, and that includes the orange loyalists and their criminal minions. Back to the barricades! Up the RA!
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pilib04 | Sep 13, 2011, 07:15 PM EDT
It has never been just the Project that lacks integrity. One could say that about Boston College as a whole. Lacks integrity. This is the group that tried to give Maggie Thatcher their prestigious Ignatious award on the anniversary of the death of Bobby Sands. Massive protests forced BC to back down.
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slainte9 | Sep 13, 2011, 11:08 AM EDT
Why do we object to politicized history only when it's the "Irish" doing it. Orangeman James McPherson was awarded a Pultizer Prize for "Battle Cry Freedom," a widely popular history of the America Civil War. It contained observations like "German and Irish Catholics were under-represented in the Union army because they objected to emancipation." The Union army never recorded the soldiers religions, and the "Irish" weren't present in the early years of the war, because the Union army didn't record the birth place of its soldiers when they enlisted until the later years of the war. The the suidical charge of New York City's Irish Brigade occurred after Lincoln announced emancipation. Proportionally as many Irish-born soldiers won the Medal of Honor before and after Emanicipation: rates of Medal of Honor awards are very highly correlated with enlistments and combat mortalities. Only God knows if they were Catholics, and she doesn't care.
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Kilsally | Sep 13, 2011, 10:43 AM EDT
article in todays Belfast Telegraph - google "Tape accusing SF boss Gerry Adams of death squad role to air on TV" A voice from the grave will this week be heard alleging Gerry Adams’ role as an IRA chief and leader of a ruthless secret unit — heaping fresh pressure on the Sinn Fein boss. An audio recording of former IRA commander Brendan ‘The Dark’ Hughes will feature in a TV documentary fingering him as leader of the squad that murdered disappeared mother-of-10 Jean McConville. Voices from the Grave will be shown on RTE One on Tuesday, October 26 at 10.15pm
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Kilsally | Sep 13, 2011, 08:32 AM EDT
World Council of Churches: "Terrorism – is to be condemned... Perpetrators should be brought to justice World Council of Churches: Ten years after 9/11 The head of the the World Council of Churches, which brings together over 340 major Protestant, Orthodox, Anglican, Peace Church and indigenous Christian communions in conversation with the Roman Catholic Church worldwide, is from Norway - a country which has been exposed to the horror of terrorism recently. "Terrorism in all its forms – whether committed by individuals, groups or states – is to be condemned. But one may reasonably ask how best to respond. Perpetrators should be brought to justice and security measures devised to prevent the repetition of such trauma. Many of us remain convinced that nonviolence can be the most helpful long-term response to violence and the most effective means toward a lasting peace based on justice. "As Jesus taught, 'Blessed are those who mourn, for they will be comforted' ... and, 'Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called children of God.' "God of life, lead us to justice and peace! Amen." Rev Dr Olav Fykse Tveit General secretary World Council of Churches
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GeorgeDillon | Sep 13, 2011, 08:05 AM EDT
I agree with DANNY MORRISON. This thing no longer has any integrity, close it down.
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Anthony McIntyre has censored this writer over several years for reasons unknown but I amcerainly not a hate preacher. I have submitted the following to take him up on his most recent offer to lift censorship but to to no avail. You can come to your own conclusions !
STILL CENSORED BY ANTHONY McINTYRE
“If there's anything better than a good rimming I've never felt it” ~ Oscar Wilde
"Oh I do say, Lord Muck of Londonderry! untongue me immediately you vile rat!" Shrieked her majesty. "Yes ma'am, please do not shriek your majesty, it upsets me terrribly." answered Lord Muck " "I do not moan, I am officially your Queen after today's public display Muck and don't you ever forget it, she shrieked again." "Yes your majesty," said Lord Muck as his eyes gleamed with joy. "Fickle fuckers." replied his queen. “Well Ma'am, I'm trying to help Anglo-Irish relations and I can reccomend it thoroughly" answered Lord Muck. "Untongue me you vile peasant." and with that his queen farted into Lord Muck's filthy mouth!
"Ma,am on this auspicious occasion of your visit to Ireland and our first public display of affection, I am now going to recite for you a poem by a fellow Irishman Oscar Wilde whom you people, imprisoned," replied Lord Muck, it's called:
The Sphinx
In a dim corner of my room For longer than my fancy thinks, A beautiful and silent Sphinx Has watched me through the shifting gloom. Inviolate and immobile She does not rise she does not stir For silver moons are nought to her And nought to her the suns that reel.
Red follows grey across the air, The waves of moonlight ebb and flow But with the Dawn she does not go And in the night-time she is there. Dawn follows Dawn and Nights grow old And all the while this curious cat Lies couching on the Chinese mat With eyes of satin rimmed with gold.
Upon the mat she lies and leers And on the tawny throat of her Flutters the soft and fur Or ripples to her pointed ears. Come forth my lovely seneschal! So somnolent, so statuesque! Come forth you exquisite grotesque! Half woman and half animal!
Come forth my lovely languorous Sphinx! And put your head upon my knee! And let me stroke your throat and see Your body spotted like the Lynx! And let me touch those curving claws Of yellow ivory and grasp The tail that like a monstrous Asp Coils round your heavy velvet paws!
A thousand weary centuries Are thine while I have hardly seen Some twenty summers cast their green
This page is reserved for comments from racists, bigoted Jew baiters, misogynists, and hate purveyors of whatever hue – you know the type – who sometimes insinuate themselves into web discussion before firing off the hate salvo against the scapegoat of choice, which seems to be their real agenda. The Pensive Quill facilitates a wide range of critical views but it is not its purpose is to serve as platform for those with a particular perverse fetish.
Despite calls for them to be banned altogether, we don’t censor their type but we have no desire to share their company. This page is where their comments, once the stomach to read them for approval has been sufficiently fortified, will be posted. In the unlikely event that anybody wishes to read the racist rantings and fantasies, they can visit this page, although they may be best advised to hold their noses. Hopefully, none of our usual participants will deign to post comments on this page. Who really wants to be in the sewer with Der Stürmer?
Little Tommy on a farm runs inside "mummy"!!! "the bull is f##king the cow""no Tommy you must be polite and say the bull is surprising the cow"....later little Tommy runs inside again "mummy the bull is surprising all the cows" .."no Tommy the bull cant surprise all the cows!".."Yeah he can he,s f##king the horse"!......
At last,Mackers.
Now we have a page where zionist criminals can express their racist,genocidal anti-Goyim rhetoric, to subvert our unthinking subservient little minds, through talmudic inspired jewish media.But..but..,hold on, arent they already doing this every waking minute, of every day,in the mainstream media.Shucks Mackers,and there's you trying to think outside the box. Godddd....daaarnit!
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Now we have a page where zionist criminals can express their racist,genocidal anti-Goyim rhetoric, to subvert our unthinking subservient little minds, through talmudic inspired jewish media.But..but..,hold on, arent they already doing this every waking minute, of every day,in the mainstream media.Shucks Mackers,and there's you trying to think outside the box. Godddd....daaarnit!