Tuesday, October 16, 2012

PUT THEM BACK BRITISH THIEVES












#MarianPrice

#freemarianprice

Since the charges against Marian were thrown out of court, because of a lack of evidence by a Judge as per the details of the report belwo, back in May this year, the same charges have been re-instated against Marian again! Marian still has another lung infection, so the doctors have stopped some of the treatment for her crippling arthritis. She has been receiving highly toxic medication and her immune system is so
suppressed, that infections are just following each other. She has been having steroid injections but is only allowed a limited number of these. Marian is in a lot of pain, nurses are applying gel to her knees and legs to give her some relief.

Marian has also been given additional medication for anaemia. The doctors are concerned that her overall medical condition is deteriorating. Marian was also recently diagnosed with a heart condition, which she certainly did not have before her arrest in May 2011. The pointers clearly move in one direction and show that this serious deterioration in the health of an already vulnerable woman, is a direct consequence of serious neglect and isolation, over such a lengthy period in Maghaberry and Hydebank.

In addition to the physical medical aspects of Marian's case, doctors are also trying to treat psychological problems, as a result of sensory deprivation torture of more than one year, coupled with 6 months of previous force feeding. The 24 hour guard on Marian a chronically ill woman, who was been bailed twice by the courts, is clearly a violation of her basic human rights. It is highly unlikely that Marian will ever fully recover from this vicious, bigoted, savage, sectarian, vindictive ordeal.

Below is a comprehensive report by CAJ, a completely independent human rights organisation, with cross community membership in British Occupied Ireland and beyond. It was established in 1981 to lobby and campaign on a broad range of human rights issues. CAJ seeks to secure the highest standards in the administration of justice in British Occupied Ireland, by ensuring that the Government complies with its obligations in international human rights law.



Investigations & Analysis - British  Occupied Ireland


The growth of secret ’evidence’ and the case of Marian Price

13 MAY 2012 – DANIEL HOLDER
Daniel Holder is Deputy Director of the CAJ
Daniel Holder is Deputy Director of the CAJ
There were two significant reminders last week about the creeping use of secret ‘evidence.’ The first was the continued imprisonment of Marian McGlinchey (née Price) despite her three co-accused walking free when a judge threw out charges against all four. Marian Price was technically speaking already ‘out on bail’ in relation to these charges (which the Prosecution Service may now seek to resurrect). Her continued imprisonment relates not to a decision by a Court, but a separate procedure involving a government Minister and a Commission which can rely on secret evidence.
The second reminder was the UK Coalition Government’s inclusion of an ominously titled ‘Justice and Security Bill’ within the list of laws it announced it would introduce in the next Parliamentary session. The Bill would allow government Ministers to instruct ‘CMPs’ – Closed Material Procedures (i.e. secret evidence) be used in civil court processes. Our local circumstances were not for once the impetus for such a dramatic change (although as it could include the likes of ‘Troubles’ Inquests, it would have serious repercussions here). The move is in response to MI5/6 involvement in ‘war on terror’ practices such as ‘extraordinary rendition’ (i.e. the kidnap, torture and unlawful detention of persons) being increasingly challenged in Court, and in particular the compensation settlements being paid to Guantanamo Bay detainees. The Government argues it needs CMPs in order to allow secret trials to protect ‘national security. ’ They also conveniently reduce the potential to hold the Security Services accountable for malpractice or human rights abuses in which they are implicated.
There is general outrage from human rights groups over the proposals. Amidst this, we should not lose sight of the fact that secret evidence procedures already exist– many piloted and specific to this jurisdiction. Persons who have their fair employment discrimination claims blocked by a ‘national security certificate’ issued by the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) can only have their claims heard in a ‘special tribunal’ involving secret evidence – which predates its better known counterpart tribunal for persons subject to ‘Control Orders.’ CAJhas asked under the Freedom of Information Act how many certificates have been issued and how often the ‘special tribunal’ has convened – only to be told that the NIO ‘did not record’ such information. Should you be subject to such processes, you can expect that both you, your lawyer, and the public will be excluded from your court hearing. Secret ‘evidence’, usually based on security force intelligence data, is then presented against you, which you cannot challenge. A ‘Special Advocate’ is appointed to represent you but cannot discuss the secret ‘evidence’ with you. At best, you and your representatives are given a ‘gist’ of what is being alleged.
Similar procedures also apply for recalling to prison persons with conflict-related convictions who were released under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. Such releases were ‘under licence,’ conditional on no re-involvement in paramilitary activity. The question which arises is how the conclusion is reached that someone has returned to such activity. The decision is not on the basis of a fresh conviction for a similar serious offence proved beyond reasonable doubt in a competent court, but rather a variation of the above CMPprocess involving the NIO, Secretary of State and a Commission, which can rely on secret ‘evidence’ in a closed ‘Special Advocate’ procedure. Marian Price was released long before the 1998 Agreement, having been convicted of bombing the Old Bailey in 1973, but issued with a royal pardon in 1980. A similar process exists under the Life Sentences (Northern Ireland) Order 2001 whereby the NIO Secretary of State, Owen Paterson, can provide the Parole Commissioners with evidence and invite them to make a recommendation to return an individual to prison. Such decisions can also be based on secret ‘evidence,’ including intelligence data, and do not require a conviction or even a charge. At worst, therefore, the process could be used selectively against ex-prisoners engaged in political activity outside the mainstream, rather than just against those genuinely involved in unlawful activity.
The case of Marian Price is particularly striking, as on the same day a Judge released her on bail in May 2011, a government Minister returned her to prison. There are other due process issues in relation to this case, not least the fact she was given a pardon under the Royal Prerogative of Mercy. The NIO claims this document only related to Marian Price’s fixed term and not life sentence for which a licence applied. Her family contest that the pardon related to both, and hence believe that the NIO had no licence to revoke. It would seem a relatively simple matter for the NIO to produce the document to settle the matter. However, apparently the pardon and all copies of it have gone ‘missing.’ Given that it could possibly change a decision as to whether a person is deprived of their liberty, one would think an investigation would have taken place as to how and when the information disappeared. CAJ has been told that the NIO have decided not to investigate this on the grounds that the pardon is ‘not relevant’ to this case. Whilst decisions in ‘special tribunals’ are made on the basis of evidence that defendants cannot see, it is difficult to understand how the NIO reached this conclusion without itself viewing the document.
The dangers of secret ‘evidence’ within the justice system were set out succinctly in the case of Al Rawi, and others v the Security Services. Here, the government tried to argue that legal norms over the years (the ‘common law’) meant that it had a right to hold civil trials in secret, despite no law permitting this. The UK Supreme Court threw this out, with Lord Kerr arguing that the “right to be informed of the case made against you is not merely a feature of the adversarial system of trial, it is an elementary and essential prerequisite of fairness.”
It is this case that has led to the present Justice and Security Bill introducing CMPs. In response, Special Advocates themselves have argued CMPs “represent a departure from the foundational principle of natural justice that all parties are entitled to see and challenge all the evidence relied upon before the court and to combat that evidence by calling evidence of their own.” Put simply, evidence cannot be relied upon if you cannot challenge it.
CAJ expressed concerns about the CMP proposals, given our experience that measures which effectively bypass rule of law standards and establish, in essence, a parallel justice system, lead to human rights abuses which can exacerbate conflict as well as contributing to the growing marginalisation of ‘suspect communities.’ A further problem highlighted above is that secret evidence tends to consist of intelligence data which the Police themselves are often keen to (rightly) point out does not necessarily constitute evidence. However, under the present recall arrangements, ‘intelligence’ can effectively be used as ‘evidence’ to put an ex-prisoner behind bars.
This is of course not the first time that intelligence rather than evidence has been used to imprison; previous policies of mass arrest and internment involved lists of suspects based on ‘intelligence’ data. The lesson needs to be learned that illegitimate state practices outside the standard rule of law do not prevent but rather fuel conflict. Further growth in procedures allowing secret ‘evidence’ would have serious consequences, but in Marian Price’s case, such consequences are already apparent.
Daniel Holder is Deputy Director of the Committee on the Administration of Justice

BBC 'Fix It Culture' Enables More Irish Child Rape than Catholic Church



BBC 'Fix It Culture' Enables More Irish Child Rape than Catholic Church

category international | irish social forum | opinion/analysis author Tuesday October 16, 2012 09:08author by BrianClarkeNUJ - AllVoices Report this post to the editors
Referendum
The BBC dominates the airwaves in Ireland, with Irish national broadcaster RTE still unavailable in most parts of British Occupied Ireland. Despite a peace process, the propaganda of the BBC still pollutes Irish politics and life. With the leader of the British Labour party, Ed Miliband calling for an independent inquiry into "horrific allegations" rather than a planned BBC internal cover-up of allegations on a BBC culture, of enabling child rape for decades. Many believe that the BBC's influence on the rape of children, to be of an even greater scale, than the Catholic Church.
Arise! Sir James
Arise! Sir James
The BBC dominates the airwaves in Ireland, with Irish national broadcaster RTE still unavailable in most parts of British Occupied Ireland. Despite a peace process, the propaganda of the BBC still pollutes Irish politics and life. With the leader of the British Labour party, Ed Miliband calling for an independent inquiry into "horrific allegations" rather than a planned BBC internal cover-up of allegations of a BBC culture, of enabling child rape for decades. Many believe that the BBC's influence on the rape of children, to be on an even greater scale, than the Catholic Church.

David Nicholson, who worked as a director on Jim'll Fix It, claimed to have caught Savile, having sex with a girl in his dressing room, but was laughed away, when he voiced his concerns. Further reports of abuse emerged, relating to Stoke Mandeville hospital, Leeds General Infirmary, Broadmoor secure hospital, Haut de la Garenne children's home in Jersey, Tayside, Greater Manchester, Lancashire and Yorkshire. British police say they have received allegations of abuse dating back to the 1960s, '70s and '80s. BBC director general George Entwistle dropped a Newsnight investigation into the Savile scandal.

Currently a referendum is happening in the Unfree Irish State, to draw a line in the sand with regard to the abuse of children, after a long struggle on children's rights. Irish children have not been well served by their country. The mistreatment of some of the most vulnerable children, still goes on at epidemic levels in both parts of the island. The island is generally still emotionally detached from the suffering, abuse and daily revelations of child torture with rape.

Savile was knighted in 1990, having already received the OBE in 1971. The BBC and British High society stand accused of covering up a "scandalous culture" that existed within the dark corners of Britain's Offiicial Secrets Act. The extent of the probem is said to be far greater than the scandal of the Catholic Church in Ireland.In 1990 Savile was knighted by Queen Elizabeth II and pope John Paul II, for services rendered.

Meanwhile the changes proposed in the Unfree Irish State to the Constitution are steps to systemic change, like creating a new Child and Family Support Agency with constitutional change, that is broad and significant. The Constitutional change proposed in the up coming referendum is about making a clear statement from the people, to legislators, judges and society as a whole about how children should be treated.

So what does the referendum change propose, well according to the Irish Times;

"It says: we believe that children, if they are mature enough, should be able to express their views in legal proceedings that affect them. For instance if a judge is making a decision involving a mature 16-year-old that judge will be required to ask what the 16-year-old’s views are.

It says: we believe all children are equal. At present the laws relating to adoption are different depending on whether the child to be adopted is born “out of wedlock” or not. That’s an anachronism left over from a past century. All children should be equal.

It says: we believe that when a child is being starved, or beaten, or burned or physically or sexually abused social workers should be able to intervene to stop that.

It says: in essence, that children in Ireland have rights. That the State will recognise those rights. And that we will do everything we can to protect those rights.

Will that change the lives of Irish children? It is an important symbolic change with strong, practical impact. Change also comes from legislation, administration and resources.

What this referendum also does is draw a line in the sand. It allows us to leave behind us a legacy of failure. It allows us to say as a nation that we believe children have rights, just like everyone else. It allows us to set the legislature and judiciary on a different path than that which has pertained for decades.

It is unsurprising to some extent that the debate around the referendum is tending to focus on the legal and on the extreme because, shorn of semantics and sensationalism, the debate hinges on one central issue; do we, the people of Ireland, believe our children have rights we should protect?

I believe we do, NGOs like Barnardos, the ISPCC, the Children’s Rights Alliance and EPIC believe we do.

If you believe that, then vote Yes. We can argue about funding, we can argue about process, we can argue about systems, we can argue about services. Those are arguments for legislation. They are the arguments that are the stock-in-trade of the political system and they are arguments that will continue forever as the Dáil balances the needs of the people with the resources at hand.

The Constitution is not part of those arguments. Rather it defines the parameters of them. So if you want future generations of politicians and judges to be guided by a constitutional imperative to recognise the rights of children, the equality of children and the voices of children in decisions they make in relation to children, then vote Yes.

The decision to hold the referendum was agreed unanimously by all members of both Dáil and Seanad Éireann – a rare moment of consensus in Irish politics! That consensus tells us that on this very particular issue – the best interests of children – we share a common commitment and want to set the standard which will inform future policy and decisions."

This referendum takes place on Saturday, November 10th, and it will be an important opportunity to taste a form of genuine Irish democracy, at long last attempting to protect its most vulnerable. Oh that we could apply this across the board on other issues, in the small island of Ireland.
Related Link: http://irishblog-brianclarkenuj.blogspot.com/