IRISH REPUBLICAN NEWS
Friday-Thursday, 14-20 December, 2012
------------------------------
We would like to extend greetings to all of our readers for the
Christmas - and ask you to join with us in thinking of the
republican political prisoners and internees who are spending this
festive season behind bars.
Nollaig shona dhaoibh agus dóibh.
------------------------------
1. LOUGHINISLAND REPORT QUASHED
2. Fresh loyalist disturbances underway
3. Family's nightmare as retrial expected in 'Micky Bo' murder
4. Progress seen in Bloody Sunday justice campaign
5. Pan-unionism returns as Stormont flags talks stall
6. Family of UDA 'romper room' victim seek answers
7. Feature: Four martyrs commemorated in Belfast
8. Analysis: The only credible action for Finucanes is public
------------------------------
>>>>>> LOUGHINISLAND REPORT QUASHED
The report of the former police ombudsman into the murder of six men in
the Loughinisland massacre has been scrapped after a court hearing on
their judicial review.
Thursday's High Court ruling represents a victory for the victims'
families and paves the way for a new investigation into the shootings.
The six men who died, all Catholics, were killed when UVF gunmen went
into the Heights Bar in rural Co Down in June 1994.
The killers opened fire indiscriminately as customers watched Ireland
play Italy in a World Cup soccer match.
Those shot dead included 87-year-old Barney Green, one of the oldest
victims of the Troubles.
Also killed were Eamon Byrne, Malcolm Jenkinson, Daniel McCreanor,
Patrick O'Hare, and Adrian Rogan. Five others were seriously wounded.
No-one has been convicted of the murders although 16 people have been
arrested in connection with the attack.
Victims' relatives suspect the police investigation was undermined to
protect informants.
In June last year former police ombudsman Al Hutchinson concluded there
was insufficient evidence of collusion.
In a highly controversial report, he only identified failings in the
police investigation, criticising it for a lack of diligence and
leadership.
Hutchinson later stepped down amid a scandal over the operation of the
Ombudsman's office and the manner in which reports were drafted.
His report on Loughinisland was branded a whitewash by the victims'
families, who launched judicial review proceedings in a bid to have it
overturned.
In court yesterday it was confirmed that Dr Maguire had agreed to the
move, and to the order that his predecessor's statement be quashed.
Lawyers for the families described the outcome as a significant
milestone in their campaign to establish the truth surrounding the
atrocity.
Niall Murphy of Kevin R Winters solicitors said it was the first
successful judicial review of a report by the police ombudsman's
office.
"Our clients' strong criticisms, made immediately in the wake of the
publication of the report in 2011, have been vindicated and they
deserve credit for their perseverance and dedication to establishing
the truth about what happened to their loved ones. The decision also
provides for a brand new reinvestigation," he said.
Emma Rogan, whose father Adrian was among those killed, said the
outcome vindicated the families' belief that the original report was
flawed and irrational.
"It is a disgrace that the onus was put on us to take the office of the
police ombudsman to the High Court to drag the truth out of the facts
that only his office are aware of," she "The conclusion of Al
Hutchinson's flawed report was that the complaint of collusion was
ruled out due to insufficient evidence.
"The reason that there is insufficient evidence is that the RUC kept
destroying the evidence."
Sinn Féin Assembly member Caitriona Ruane also welcomed the move. “It was
clear that the families had no confidence in this investigation and its
findings," she said. "The conclusions reached were totally incompatible
to the evidence produced which clearly pointed at collusion.
"I believe we need to pay tribute to the families for their persistence
and for judicially reviewing Al Hutchinson's original decisions. There
are many questions still to be answered into the Loughinisland attack
including the original RUC investigation, the role of British state
agents and the destruction of evidence."
------------------------------
>>>>>> Fresh loyalist disturbances underway
Loyalists are again attempting to bring the North to a standstill this
evening with road closures in Belfast and across the north.
The demonstrations coincide with evening rush-hour on what is also the
busiest shopping weekend of the year.
Trouble broke out at similar protests on Monday night as loyalists
again took to the streets over a reduction in the flying of the British
Union Jack flag at Belfast City Hall.
Loyalists have been demonstrating against that decision on an almost
daily basis for over two weeks.
Dozens of locations have been listed for protests on a website this
evening, including areas of Belfast, Bangor, Portadown, Lisburn,
Newtownards and Carrickfergus.
Plans to push ahead with the protests came as political leaders held a
marathon special meeting at Stormont yesterday to discuss the flags
crisis.
After almost eight hours of talks the five main parties issued a joint
statement.
The collective response condemned the riots that have marred some of
the demonstrations. However, it did not call for an end to the
protests.
Protests are taking place this evening at flashpoints such as Twaddell,
Hesketh and Crumlin Road in north Belfast as well as at Finaghy and
Shaw's Bridge in the south of the city,
the Knock carriageway in the
east and Shankill Road and the
Broadway roundabout in the west.
Demonstrations are also planned for Larne, Derry, Portadown and
Ballymena.
MONDAY MAYHEM
There are fears that the protests could lead to rioting, as seen on
Monday night when loyalist mobs erupted into violence in several areas.
The worst of the disturbances took place in the Sandy Row area of
Belfast, where a tourist bus was burned out by loyalists armed with
petrol bombs. Tourists visiting Belfast city centre had to be taken
back to County Wexford in a replacement coach.
Clashes also took place at a flags protest near the Alliance Party
office on the Newtownards Road, where a mob of 200 loyalists ran amok.
Belfast Telegraph reporter Adrian Rutherford was punched to the ground
and his phone was stolen by a masked man as he reported from the scene
in east Belfast.
In other incidents, a taxi driver was attacked by protesters blocking a
road in north Belfast. The driver, who did not want to be named, said
he stopped at a junction when a man who appeared to be orchestrating
the blockade ordered a gang of youths to attack his car.
"I keep hearing that these protests are peaceful when they're anything
but," he said. "Had they managed to drag me from my car I have no doubt
would have been seriously injured or even killed."
In the county Antrim town of Carrickfergus, five masked loyalists burst
into the Town Hall and terrified councillors.
A veteran Alliance Party politician, Sean Neeson said he was left
"shaken" after the gang stormed into the council chamber and shouted
sectarian abuse at him. One of the gang reportedly called Mr Neeson a
"Fenian c***" while another pointed an object, believed to have been a
golf umbrella, in the direction of councillors.
Trouble also flared in Lisburn and Portadown as the blockades closed
dozens of roads across the North.
OMINOUS DEVELOPMENTS
Later in the week, British Union Jack flags were newly erected at a
number of sectarian interfaces. The move came as loyalist paramilitary
groups ended their support for an agreement on the reduction of
flag-flying in the North.
As part of the new campaign of intimidation, flags were erected near
Catholic schools and in dozens of other controversial locations --
including outside Holy Cross Girls Primary School in north Belfast, the
scene of a bitter loyalist protest a decade ago which made headlines
around the world.
In east Belfast, members of the UVF have been accused of orchestrating
the protests and being involved in violent incidents sucb as attacks on
the offices of the SDLP and Alliance parties in the North. On
Wednesday, five Assembly members from Sinn Fein and Alliance received
death threats in the form of bullets posted to their offices.
This week, the PSNI said they had arrested sixteen people across the
North, nine children and just seven adults. Among those held were
children aged 11 and 12. However, it is understood that no loyalist
paramilitaries have yet been arrested or threatened with the revocation
of their release licences -- a routine PSNI tactic against former
republican prisoners.
eirigi's Pádraic Mac Coitir said the flags protests had confirmed that
the North remains a hostile place for nationalists.
"How many times have constitutional nationalists told us the Orange
state is no more and that we live in a more tolerant society?" he
asked.
"The issue of flags is a smokescreen for the wider sectarianism being
waged by unionists.
"Sinn Féin and the SDLP bowed to pressure during a debate in Belfast
city council and agreed to let that flag on certain days, including the
birthday of the English queen.
"Already in many parts of Belfast unionists are putting up more flags,
especially in so-called interfaces."
He warned that loyalists would be allowed to continue with their
disturbances thanks to "their allies in the PSNI".
"This is in stark contrast to the PSNI response to peaceful marches and
protests held by republicans."
Just after making this statement earlier this week, Mr Mac Coitir was
arrested and imprisoned this week by the PSNI. He is currently being
held at Maghaberry jail in connection with a peaceful sit-down protest
in north Belfast against a sectarian Orange Order parade in July, 2010.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Family's nightmare as retrial expected in 'Micky Bo' murder
A retrial is to be sought in the case of three Ballymena men whose
convictions were quashed this week for the 2006 sectarian murder of
Catholic teenager Michael McIlveen.
The Catholic schoolboy, known locally as 'Micky Bo', was chased and
beaten in Ballymena in May 2006. He was beaten with a baseball bat and
kicked as he lay defenceless in an alleyway.
On Wednesday, the Court of Appeal ruled that guilty verdicts against
Aaron Wallace, Christopher Kerr and Jeff Lewis for killing Michael were
unsafe. It said this was due to flaws in how the jury was directed.
It means only one man is currently convicted of murdering the
15-year-old.
The Court of Appeal was told that, in reaching its decision to seek a
retrial, there had been consultation with the McIlveen family and the
Director of Public Prosecutions, Barra McGrory.
The Court of Appeal will not make a ruling on whether there is to be a
retrial until 7 January in order for the defence to make written
submissions.
Michael's heartbroken family have said his mother may not be able to
re-live the tragedy by sitting through another trial. His sister Jodie
McIlveen said they were "totally unprepared" for yesterday's news.
"We are just in shock," she said.
"It's left us reliving the whole thing again. It's breaking our hearts.
What more do they want from us?"
Ms McIlveen said her mother Gina and the family would never get over
Michael's death, but had hoped it would become easier over time.
"My mum has said she couldn't sit through it again," she said. "The
rest of us will be there. We'll stick by Michael."
It will be the third murder trial the family will have to go through.
The original trial began in 2008 but had to be abandoned after seven
weeks of evidence and a second trial began the following month.
Michael's mother Gina and sister Jodie attended court every day in the
company of other family members.
The jury heard about tensions between young people from different
religious backgrounds in the County Antrim town and that Michael and
two Catholic friends had been chased through Ballymena by a gang of
young Protestants before being attacked in an alley.
A postmortem examination revealed that the schoolboy died from a blood
clot on his brain as a result of skull fractures caused by "at least
one blow to both sides from a blunt weapon", either by a baseball bat
or by kicking and stamping.
Michael also had multiple bruising to the brain.
In the midst of their grief the McIlveen family called for no
retaliation.
But after the four men were sentenced for Michael's murder the McIlveen
family said they were disappointed at the minimum tariffs they had been
given.
"We all believe that life should mean life," they said.
"Michael lived for 15 years and not one of the defendants will serve
this length of time for his death."
------------------------------
>>>>>> Progress seen in Bloody Sunday justice campaign
The Bloody Sunday families have welcomed news that former British
soldiers may finally be questioned by the PSNI as part of a murder
investigation into the killings.
Relatives of the 14 people who died after British paratroopers opened
fire on nationalist demonstrators in the city in 1972 were told of the
development this week.
Deputy Chief Constable Judith Gillespie confirmed that a detective had
finally been appointed to head a murder investigation into the Bloody
Sunday killings.
A weekend of commemorative and protest events is due to take place next
month to mark the 41st anniversary of the massacre and to demand 'an
end to impunity'.
A number of Bloody Sunday families had launched a campaign for justice
following the release of the report of the Saville Inquiry in June
2010. That report forced a public apology from British Prime Minister
David Cameron and an admission that those massacred had been innocent.
Efforts to bring to justice those responsible for ordering the killings
are now finally underway.
A wide range of witnesses are to be questioned,
including the soldiers
who carried out the shootings
A key focus of the investigation is likely to be the small number of
soldiers directly involved in the gun attacks in Derry's Glenfada Park
area. One soldier in particular, known as soldier F, is believed to
have killed Bernard McGuigan, Patrick Doherty, Michael Kelly and
possibly Michael McKinney.
The families were told that the investigation could be expanded if
necessary.
John Kelly, whose brother Michael was one of those killed, said the
families were pleased with the outcome of the meeting.
Bloody Sunday relative Joe McKinney, brother of murdered William, says
he now has more faith in the process.
“To be honest, I was starting to feel dejected after the events of 15
June 2010, to put it mildly. But police seem very positive and say they
have to follow where their enquiries and the evidence lead. They say
they have been relying heavily on the information contained within the
Saville Report and they will now follow those key areas where Lord
Saville pointed out there was murder committed. After today, I have
more faith in the process.”
Sinn Féin assembly member Raymond McCartney welcomed the PSNI
announcement that an investigation into the murders on Bloody Sunday
has now begun.
He said the families had been given a timeline on how the PSNI expect
that investigation to progress, which would help the families monitor
how the investigation is progresing.
“Sinn Féin has supported the call by the families for a proper
investigation to be carried out into the events of Bloody Sunday," he
said. ”The announcement today that a full time team of PSNI officers
have begun an investigation has to be welcomed as a step forward."
------------------------------
>>>>>> Pan-unionism returns as Stormont flags talks stall
Multi-party talks on the flags issue at Stormont have been suspended
until next year following an announcement that a forum to unite
different forces within unionism has been organised.
The new 'Unionist Forum' is a reaction to recent loyalist anger at
Belfast City Council's decision to fly the British Union Jack on
designated days only.
The council vote has led to more than two weeks of street protests
across the north, many of which have turned violent.
In a joint statement, the DUP and Ulster Unionists said party leaders
Peter Robinson and Mike Nesbitt would convene the forum at Stormont's
Parliament Buildings "as soon as is practicable".
It followed talks involving the so-called UDA 'brigadier' for South
Belfast Jackie McDonald and other loyalist figures.
It is expected to address the flags issue, sectarian parades, and
measures to increase unionist voter registration and turnout. The forum
will also examine ways of "strengthening British cultural identity" in
the north of Ireland.
It is seen as another step towards a merger of the Ulster Unionist
Party and the DUP, as well as marking the closer involvement of former
loyalist paramilitaries in mainstream unionist politics.
"The participants in the forum will be discussed at the first meeting,"
Mr Robinson and Mr Nesbitt said in their statement. "The purpose of the
forum will be to seek to engage with the entire unionist community and
seek to address issues of concern."
The statement said the forum would seek to "channel unionist efforts
through political means".
TALKS SUSPENDED
Meanwhile, seven hours of multi-party talks at Stormont resulted only
in a pledge to resolve contentious issues of identity through legal
means.
The North's business community has urged politicians to act to end the
disruption, which has sharply reduced pre-Christmas trade.
After sitting from 9.30am to nearly 5pm, the parties agreed not to
comment and instead chose to release a joint statement.
"Party leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the rule of law and the
primacy of the political process and deplored violence, attacks on
the
PSNI as well as threats to elected representatives," the statement
read.
The meeting, chaired by First Minister Peter Robinson and Deputy First
Minister Martin McGuinness, was adjourned yesterday and is expected to
reconvene in the New Year.
Speaking earlier this week, Mr McGuinness MP insisted that the only way
forward was through cross-community discussions and again called for an
"unequivocal" message from unionists to end the disturbances.
"Ultimately, any workable proposals needs cross-community support," he
said. "These discussions need to address the meaning of mutual respect,
parity of esteem and how to ensure that symbols and emblems are not
used to promote division.
"I am confident that we can map a way forward on this basis."
------------------------------
>>>>>> Family of UDA 'romper room' victim seek answers
The family of a Catholic murder victim are calling for a new
investigation into his death amid claims that his killers were
informers protected by the police and British intelligence.
The family of Pat Benstead, who was tortured and murdered by the UDA,
has called on police ombudsman Michael Maguire to carry out an urgent
investigation into his death.
Mr Benstead's naked body was discovered dumped in an alleyway on
December 2 1972 following one of the most brutal murders in the
conflict.
A cross had been burned into his back alongside the letters 'IRA' and
the number '4'. He had been shot twice in the head.
Mr Benstead, who had a learning difficulty, suffered a severe beating
and his attackers bound him hand and foot.
Horrific burn marks, believed to have been inflicted with a hot iron,
were later found on the dead man's body, hands and feet.
From the Short Strand in east Belfast, Mr Benstead was last seen in the
Falls Road area in the west of the city after enjoying a quiet drink
with workmates in the Beehive bar.
He was abducted by an east Belfast-based UDA gang that called itself
the 'G4 Unit' as he made his way home across the city on foot.
The number '4' later found burned into his back is believed to have
been a reference to the 'G4 Unit' which was attached to the
organisation's 'G Company' in east Belfast.
The vicious loyalist murder gang was linked to several attacks on
innocent Catholics which involved the prolonged torture of victims
before they were shot dead.
Mr Benstead's family have voiced fears that the hit squad responsible
for killing the 32-year-old may have been heavily infiltrated by RUC
Special Branch and British military intelligence which therefore turned
a blind eye to the attacks it carried out.
The Historical Enquiries Team, which completed an investigation in
2010, failed to examine potential links to the murder.
The full role of former UDA chief Edward 'Ned' McCreery, who ran the
'G4 Unit' and former SAS member Albert 'Ginger' Baker had never been
explained fully.
Both McCreery and Baker are believed to have been British agents at
various times and were directly involved in other so-called 'romper
room' murders in 1972 and early 1973.
Three years before the Shankill Butchers claimed their first victim in
1975, Mr Benstead's death shocked even the most battle-hardened
observers because of its grisly nature.
At the inquest a coroner said the case was among the "most horrifying"
he had ever come across.
The Benstead family have labelled a Historical Enquiries Team probe
into the circumstances of the murder as "flawed" and have called on the
police ombudsman to review the case urgently.
Mr Benstead's brother Colum said that despite the family approaching
the police ombudsman in 2006, nothing had been done to date.
"We believe the HET report was completely flawed," he said.
"Two people in the police ombudsman's office said to me that people
were highly resistant to look into my brothers murder because it would
open up a huge can of worms.
"One said to me it had the potential to be massive."
The campaigning brother said it was essential that the police ombudsman
begin to investigate as soon as possible.
"When I first brought this to Nuala O'Loan she said was willing to look
into it but then Al Hutchinson took over," Mr Benstead said.
"Me and two of my sons met with him and he told us it could take 20
years before they would get to it.
"Most of the people who were in volved in my brother's murder would be
in their sixties and seventies now. We don't have 20 years.
"Myself and a close friend of mine, Arthur Fegan, have collected a lot
of information and I have provided the police ombudsman with the names
of people we believe were involved and yet they haven't done anything
to date.
"We also gave them the name of a man who survived a 'romper room'
attack an received compensation in 1975.
"It's obvious given the passage of time they need to speak to him and
other potential witnesses from that time.
"We believe there was collusion in his murder and we need them to
investigate the circumstances now."
------------------------------
>>>>>> Feature: Four martyrs commemorated in Belfast
------------------------------
A commemoration event in memory of Joe McKelvey, Liam Mellows, Richard
Barrett and Rory O’Connor took place in Belfast’s Milltown Cemetery
yesterday [December 8], organised by the Seán Mac Diarmada Republican
Society and the Irish Republican Martyrs Commemoration Committee. The
main oration was delivered by éirígí activist Sharon Pickering. Below
we carry the text of Sharon’s speech.
------------------------------
It is an honour to be invited to speak at this commemoration today. As
we know this year marks the 100th anniversary of the Harbinson plot. In
1912 This Celtic Cross was erected on the plot beside us and was
dedicated to all those from the ranks of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood who had been imprisoned in Belfast Gaol. It is named after
William Harbinson a member of the IRB, who died in Belfast’s Crumlin
Road Jail on Monday 7th September, 1867.
As we gather here to remember Joe McKelvey, Liam Mellows, Richard
Barrett and Rory O’Connor on the ninetieth anniversary of their
execution by Free State forces, we also remember all those died in the
struggle for national freedom. Including Seán McCartney, Séamus ‘Rocky’
Burns, Seán Gaffney and Terence Perry who are buried in this plot
alongside Joe McKelvey.
The struggle to defend and uphold the Irish Republic declared by
Connolly, Pearse, Tom Clarke, and their comrades in 1916 was conducted
by many courageous men and women.
The four Republicans we remember today were among those. They were
picked for execution because they had all been officers in the Four
Courts, were members of the IRB, and each one represented a different
province of Ireland. Joe McKelvey from Ulster, Rory O’Connor from
Leinster, Dick Barrett from Munster and Liam Mellows from Connacht.
They were then buried in four different counties of Ireland. Rory
O’Connor was to be buried in the Republican Plot in Glasnevin Cemetery,
Joe McKelvey in the Republican Plot, Milltown Cemetery, Belfast, Dick
Barrett in his home parish – Ahiohill Churchyard, Co Cork and Liam
Mellow, according to his own wishes, in Castletown Churchyard, Co
Wexford.
All four men were born into an Ireland which, just a few decades
earlier, had experienced the unprecedented ravages of An Gorta Mór – The
Great Hunger. Between 1845 and 1850, approximately 1.5 million Irish
men, women and children died of starvation or related diseases. By 1855,
more than two million more had fled Ireland to avoid a similar fate.
It was an Ireland where the wealth of Ireland was controlled by a
landowning aristocracy loyal to Britain where families were evicted from
their homes at the point of British bayonets. An Ireland where a new
middle-class was being created as industrialisation commenced.
It was an Ireland where the IRB and other like-minded individuals sought
to organise and fight for freedom.
An Ireland which by the end of the 19th century and the start of the
20th century was again attempting to rebuild and reclaim its cultural
heritage through organisations such as the GAA and Conradh na Gaeilge.
As Ireland moved into the second decade of the 20th century, those
patriotic stirrings, along with events occurring elsewhere, were leading
many to question the British presence in Ireland and to set about
preparing for armed revolt.
Similarly, Irish workers were also becoming more organised and were
engaging in major industrial action.
Those two currents merged together at Easter 1916 when the Irish
Republic was proclaimed through force of arms. Those who organised and
participated in Easter Week clearly set out a political agenda based
upon national self-determination, social and economic justice and
democracy, of cherishing all the children of the nation equally, of
claiming the wealth of Ireland for the people of Ireland.
Although defeated militarily, the men and women of Easter inspired
others to act.
But unlike 1916, the subsequent struggle for independence during the Tan
War saw a greater influence being wielded by those who were politically
conservative.
Nevertheless, through the use of guerrilla tactics, electoral
interventions, civil disobedience and the establishment of alternative
political structures, Republicans had virtually wrested control of the
country from the British state. Britain only retained power through
armed force, terror and repressive laws.
At the same time, other struggles began as workers and small farmers
took control of factories and the broke-up large ranches. Workplace
occupations and land seizures began taking place.
In the eyes of the middle-class and conservative nationalist elements
involved in the independence struggle, there was a danger that the
struggle could become one by the exploited classes against their
domestic oppressors as well.
When Britain commenced the Treaty negotiations, it knew that these
events had scared middle-class Irish nationalists. Britain recognised
that the best way of securing its interests in Ireland would be by those
same conservative middle-class Irish nationalists realising that Britain
would defend their interests too.
Those conservative elements in Irish society, the middle-classes, the
church, the press and the business- and land-owning capitalists combined
to undermine the Republican struggle in favour of the Treaty.
The Republican demands for national self-determination, for social and
economic justice and democracy, of cherishing all the children of the
nation equally, of claiming the wealth of Ireland for the people of
Ireland were abandoned. No longer was the objective to be securing the
greatest measures of political, social and economic freedom for the mass
of the population.
Instead, these objectives were ditched in favour of a Treaty that would
see the creation of two partitionist states within the British empire
where control of the means of production and wealth generation would
still remain in the hands of a small, but very wealthy, minority.
The men we honour today recognised that fact and opposed the Treaty.
As Liam Mellows stated – “It would be folly to destroy English tyranny
in order to erect a domestic tyranny that would need another revolution
to free the people. The Irish Republic stands, therefore, for the
ownership of Ireland by the people of Ireland. It means that the means
and process of production must not be used for the profit or
aggrandisement of any group or class.
“Ireland, if her industries and banks were controlled by foreign
capital, would be at the mercy of every breeze that ruffled the surface
of the world’s money-markets...
“In our efforts to win back public support for the Republic we are
forced to recognise, whether we like it or not, that the commercial
interests and the gombeen man are on the side of the Treaty. We are back
to Tone – which is just as well – relying on that great body, ‘the men
of no property’. The ‘stake in the country people’ were never with the
Republic. They are not with it now and they will always be against
it....”
The two states on this island which were created through the Treaty and
partition were, and still remain, hostile to the interests of Irish
workers and have acted against the struggles of Irish workers time and
time again.
The total number of unemployed across the 32 counties is now over
600,000 people, many thousands of others who are employed are facing
wage-cuts and are hanging on to their jobs and their family homes by
their very fingertips. Thousands of our young people are again being
forced abroad as economic migrants. The working class, the unemployed,
the ill, the elderly and the young are under attack across the whole
island.
Yet the property developers and landlords, the bankers, and the corrupt
politicians, those who amassed fortunes at the expense of others still
retain their ill-gotten gains.
That was not the kind of future which Mellows, McKelvey and their
comrades had envisaged. They knew only too well that partition would
lead to the carnival of reaction envisaged by Connolly, and that
carnival of reaction has been in full flow in recent years.
The Ireland of today remains controlled by imperialism, all be it in a
new and more subtle form.
Liam Mellows was quite emphatic in his view that those who support and
endorse the structures of partition had placed themselves firmly in the
camp of the counter-revolution.
From his prison cell in Mountjoy, he urged Republicans to concentrate on
politically educating the youth of Ireland.
He believed that the failure to initiate proper political awareness and
political education programmes was a major contributory factor that led
to many former comrades accepting the Treaty: “The reason for so many
young soldiers going wrong is that they never had a proper grasp of
fundamentals. They were absorbed into movement and fight - not educated
into it. Hence, no real convictions.”
That could still be said today about other treaties and agreements.
We must again educate others into the nature of the Irish Republican
struggle; that our struggle is not based on a narrow-minded nationalism;
it is about achieving real political freedom, it is about delivering
social justice, it is about economic equality for all.
The objectives to which Mellows, McKelvey, Barrett and O’Connor and many
others pledged their allegiance; the objectives for which they gave
their lives are the same objectives which were clearly and unmistakably
enunciated through the 1916 Proclamation and the Democratic Programme of
1919. Those objectives have not been achieved.
Settling for anything less than the complete achievement of those
Republican objectives was not an option for those whom we remember and
honour today.
They sought to establish a free, sovereign and independent Irish
Republic – a workers’ republic as Mellows called it.
The goals and objectives of those who were executed have never been
secured.
The task for each of us is to help create a modern vision of a new Irish
Republic and to re-awaken the inherent desire for true political, social
and economic freedom and justice that exists among all people, young and
old alike, in our villages, towns and cities, in our workplaces, in
every one of our communities.
So as we remember Joe, Liam, Richard and Rory, let their example
encourage us all to continue to struggle onwards to achieve their vision
of a free, and truly independent, socialist Irish Republic.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Analysis: The only credible action is a public inquiry
By Jim Gibney (for Irish News)
So according to Sir Desmond de Silva's report into the murder of a
leading human rights lawyer in February 1989, there was "no overarching
state conspiracy in the murder of Pat Finucane".
Having read Sir Desmond's detailed executive summary report, let me
offer him my interpretation of it.
At a minimum he confirms what others discovered.
There were several, simultaneous, overlapping and complementary
conspiracies going on which taken together inescapably amount to 'an
overarching state conspiracy in the murder of citizens through collusion
between state agencies and loyalist paramilitaries', one of whom was Pat
Finucane.
To prove my interpretation I will use Sir Desmond's own words.
Let us begin firstly with what most people believe is the state - the
government of the day - that is, those ministers who sit around the
cabinet table in 10 Downing Street.
According to Sir Desmond there were repeated efforts made to successive
British governments by Britain's intelligence agencies, the RUC Special
Branch and British army for "a proper legal framework for agent
handling".
The reason why they sought this was self-serving and self-preservation
because the agents they had needed to, and did, engage, in Sir Desmond's
words, in "criminal conspiracies with their terrorist associates". In
other words agents broke the law. And when they did so did their
handlers, because they led and protected them. Breaking the law meant
killing people.
Successive British governments knew that agents were being run by their
intelligence and state security services but they blatantly refused to
give them "any effective guidance or a legal framework".
This at least amounted to a conspiracy of silence based on knowledge,
however vague, that the law was being broken. It could also be
interpreted as encouragement.
The British government refused to introduce "legal guidance" because
this could have led to restrictions on the actions of agents and their
handlers.
For Sir Desmond this was "wilful" on the government's part and in the
dictionary wilful means 'done intentionally'. On that basis I think we
could safely put the main state institution - the government - in the
conspiracy.
The purported rationale for agent infiltration into armed organisations
was to use their information to save people's lives.
This is what Sir Desmond had to say about saving people's lives: "Taken
as a whole an extraordinary state of affairs was created in which both
the army and the RUC SB [Special Branch] had prior notice of a series of
planned UDA assassinations, yet nothing was done by the RUC to prevent
these attacks."
And of the intelligence used in these attacks Sir Desmond said: "85 per
cent of the UDA's intelligence originated from sources within the
security services."
On three occasions, 1981, 1985 and 1989, when the UDA assassinated Pat
Finucane, the RUC and MI5 had prior intelligence of the attacks, yet Sir
Desmond states "there is no evidence that any action was taken to warn
or otherwise seek to protect him".
Indeed Sir Desmond accepts what others found - "that an RUC officer or
officers did propose Patrick Finucane as a UDA target when speaking to a
loyalist paramilitary" and that "the UDA received 'intelligence' about
Patrick Finucane from a police source".
Pat Finucane was the subject of what Sir Desmond describes as a
"security service propaganda initiative". No less a person than the
chief constable of the RUC, Sir John Hermon and senior officers briefed
Douglas Hogg that some solicitors were "effectively in the pockets of
terrorists". In the British House of Commons Hogg said there were a
number of solicitors "unduly sympathetic to the cause of the IRA". Four
weeks later Pat Finucane was shot dead.
Ten UDA loyalists were involved in killing Pat Finucane, Terrence McDaid
and Gerard Slane. Three were the agents Nelson, Stobie and Barrett. All
three were involved in killing Pat Finucane. None of the killers were
intercepted or arrested.
It is entirely understandable why Geraldine Finucane, Pat's wife,
described Sir Desmond's conclusions as a "sham" and a "whitewash", as
are her son Michael's comments that Sir Desmond's report is part of the
"jigsaw that can be used to further our case for a public inquiry".
However sincere Mr Cameron's apology is to the Finucane family, it is
wholly insufficient. A public inquiry is the only credible response to
Sir Desmond.
Roads blocked by mass flag protests
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Friday, 21 December 2012
MORE PICTURES
Loyalists blocked roads across Belfast as part of a mass protest over flags.
The pickets caused disruption for rush-hour traffic. Bus operator Translink suspended most of its Metro services into and out of the city centre.
Social media websites listed up to 60 protests across Northern Ireland to start from 6pm on Friday. A PSNI spokeswoman reported at least 10 roadblocks.
She said: A number of roads have been closed due to ongoing protests. These currently are Templemore Avenue; Albertbridge Road; Upper Malone Road at the Dub Lane; Crumlin Road at Cambrai Street and Hesketh Park; Limestone Road at North Queen Street and the Boyne Bridge off Sandy Row."
Read more: http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/northern-ireland/roads-blocked-by-mass-flag-protests-16253507.html#ixzz2FkhtWQ00
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