Showing posts with label rangers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rangers. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 11, 2012

The Sash My Father Wore






Stella Rimington: the 'unofficial' biography.

(By an ex-spook who worked for both MI5 and MI6 between 1979-2003.)

India : Rimington was recruited by MI5 as a colonial wife. After mind control programming, she went completely crazy. Rimington was given a cocktail of prescriptive drugs by the resident doctor at the High Commission, in order to keep a lid on her 'hallucinatory delusions'.
Later in life, Rimington was to keep a supply of Seconal in her handbag, to counter the psychotic episodes brought on by her increasing dependence upon cocaine. In short, she began to 'self-medicate'.
London - MI5 HQ: The early days. Rimington was hired as a secretary, even though she couldn't type. Her main job was to attend discreet parties and seduce various influential male figures.
Rimington began to drink too much in order to cope with this life of prostitution, whilst maintaining the semblance of a wife and mother of two young girls. To remedy this, she became bulimic, making herself throw up after the parties in order to get rid of the excess alcohol and to maintain her figure.
When Rimington had finally learnt how to type and was useful in the office, her boss (later to become Director-General of MI5) had a curious peccadillo: he requested that she type in the nude. Rimington often complained that she had to keep a bar-fire on during the winter months. Apart from that, her boss allegedly, never touched her. A voyeur, primarily and a family man.

Middle-aged and in Middle-Management
Rimington was chosen to be trained up by MI6 as an agent-runner. She was taught how to use and abuse new recruits by the implementation of the MI6 mind control programme: 'Alice in Wonderland'.
Not content with being 'privileged' to know the secrets of this MI6 mind control programme, Rimington decided to use one of her own agents (in 1989) to steal the MI6 mind control code book. With this knowledge (which included her own codes) she managed to not only break out of the system but also to potentially control it from the outside.

Promotion
This was easy in view of the above. Rimington had become a megalomaniac and control freak. She wasn't particularly intelligent but what she knew, she could put to good use, in terms of her own career. She acted in a Machiavellian way, using realpolitik to get rid of her rivals in the Service and was soon on the way to the top...

Director-General of MI5
Once in charge of MI5, those near VauxhallBridge had very good reason to be afraid. Rimington began to 'knock off' MI6 agents abroad, for a variety of ill-defined reasons. A flippant remark at a social gathering could ensure an officer or agent's early retirement, sacking or 'disappearance'.
Rimington had become a full-blown psychotic at this point and her downfall came when she ordered the 'crash' of a military helicopter containing MI6 and MI5 Northern Ireland officers, over the Mull of Kintyre.
MI6 finally got wind of what she was up to and devised a 'sting' operation.
It was successful.
Rimington retired, somewhat ungracefully, in 1996.

Aftermath
Rimington continued to use the 'Alice in Wonderland' mind control programme outside of the auspices of British Intelligence Security Services. She collaborated with former officers, agents and the SAS. She has been involved in child-trafficking and the prostitution trade, ever since.

Trivia
Rimington is an S/M lesbian who is well-known on the London club circuit.
She has published two novels (ghost-written by her editor) and a 'book of lies' i.e. her autobiography.
She once attacked a waitress with a fork in a Soho restaurant during one of her psychotic episodes.
Her favourite pop song is 'Super Trouper' - the only one she will dance to at Lesbian clubs.

She sacked Andrew Marr from the general INSET graduate trainee course (1980) because he dared to ask her 'girlfriend' (new recruit on course) to dance. Marr never graduated to become an officer like his comrade-in-arms, Richard Tomlinson. He has been used and run as an MI5 agent, ever since.
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 MI5 AND THE KINCORA BOYS



The following is an extract from an article in Wakeup Magazine (full article at jackgrantham)

"For years, MI5 had been aware of a homosexual vice ring operating within the Kincora Boys Home in East Belfast, which was run by William McGrath, a notorious homosexual and leader of a strongly anti-Communist paramilitary organisation called Tara.

"McGrath was also a member of the Orange Order and of Ian Paisley's Free Presbyterian Church and was employed by MI5 since the mid 1960s.

"Amongst various other Loyalist members of the homosexual ring were John McKeague, who ran the Loyalist paramilitary organisation, the Red Hand Commandos, which was involved in many sectarian killings.

"When Loyalists threatened the Ulster Workers Council strike as a means of bringing down the power-sharing executive (the alliance of moderate Protestants and Catholic created by the Heath Government), Colin Wallace was instructed to leak intelligence reports on Kincora (as part of a project code-named Clockwork Orange 2) to put pressure on key people who MI5 believed had influence over the Loyalists.

"However, after a short time Wallace was told to stop 'because London had a change of mind and wanted the Ulster Workers Council Strike to succeed. I later discovered that this new strategy was part of the overall policy to discredit Harold Wilson in that the Sunningdale Agreement was a Conservative initiative and was now being seen to fail under Labour.'

"MI5 agent James Miller had infiltrated the UDA in the early 1970s, becoming one of its leading intelligence officers. He later revealed that senior MI5 officers had ordered him in early 1974 to 'get UDA men at grass roots level to start pushing for a strike. So I did.'

"So, MI5 allowed the ill-treatment and sexual abuse of residents at the Kincora Boys Home to continue; the Loyalist strike was allowed to proceed and there was a complete breakdown of law and order. The province was virtually taken over by Loyalist paramilitary organisations.

"Two days into the strike, Loyalist paramilitaries exploded car bombs in Dublin and Monaghan, killing thirty three civilians.

"The Loyalists responsible were members of the outlawed Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), some of whom were acting as undercover agents for Military Intelligence. The explosives, training and planning for the mission were given by the SAS. Key suspects known to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) were never questioned about the massacre."



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                          THE NETWORK WITHIN THE  BRITISH MILITARY

 


INTERVIEW WITH LIEUTANANT COLONEL COLIN WALLACE :





_____________________________________________________________________

                                   MI5 NORTH WALES PAEDOPHILE RING

Scallywag Magazine alleged that MI5 used to take foreign diplomats to the North Waleshomes, give them boys to "play" with, secretly filmed them as they buggered, abused and tortured boys then kept the tapes as evidence.
Over a dozen victims who complained of abuse by the paedophile ring 'have met suspicious deaths'.

                                                         


The Royal Black Preceptory consists of eleven degrees, as follows: -

(1) Royal Black Degree
(2) Royal Scarlet Degree
(3) Royal Mark Degree
(4) Apron and Royal Blue Degree
(5) Royal White Degree
(6) Royal Green Degree
(7) Gold Degree
(8) Star and Garter Degree
(9) Crimson Arrow Degree
(10) Link and Chain Degree
(11) Red Cross Degree

The Black Preceptory is also known as the Royal Black Institution, a name that sounds worrisome enough. This quorum includes judges, police executives, clergymen, senior intellectuals and academics, and men who run major corporations in Ireland and elsewhere. The Preceptory's senior members have the power to change government policy on a local and even national level.

They reward selected lieutenants in the public limelight for furthering their agendas and see to it that other men who do not fall into lockstep are removed from professional positions. The Preceptory has the power to cover up heinous politically-motivated crimes, sequester evidence so that complicit "brothers" remain unprosecuted, and prevent official investigations into the criminal activities of their members. Additionally, members of the Preceptory and Orange Order (journalists, reporters, and editors, and so on) can bias reportage in any manner desired.

http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/...GL._SS500_.jpg

How Britain created Ulster's murder gangs

ON Monday, the world was stunned by the release of a report by Nuala O'Loan, the police ombudsman for Northern Ireland, which stated that Special Branch officers in Belfast had "colluded" with loyalist terrorists working for the British state as informers. According to O'Loan, police failed to stop these paramilitary gangs, part of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) from killing an estimated 15 people in the 1990s. While this was seized upon by republicans as proof that security forces had aided a loyalist campaign of sectarian assassination, in reality O'Loan's findings barely scratched the surface of a 30-year history of criminality and murder orchestrated by the British army and the Ulster police.

http://www.heraldscotland.com/how-br...gangs-1.834481
__________________
All things are empty:
Nothing is born, nothing dies,
nothing is pure, nothing is stained,
nothing increases and nothing decreases...And woe is us if it ever falls into the hands of the wrong people

Last edited by lightgiver; 26-08-2010 at 06:59 PM.



Friday, July 6, 2012

Power Of Love by The Forking Barsteward















20080705Parade1912.jpg
Photo of Orange Parade at Queen’s Park in 1912. City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 1244, Item 1388.
Nowadays, the Orange Order is thought of as a quaint anachronism, a benevolent society that marches every twelfth of July to commemorate the victory of William III at the Battle of the Boyne. But the Protestant fraternal organization once had a stranglehold on power in Toronto, and its subjugation of Irish Catholics gave the parade on every “Glorious Twelfth” an ominous undercurrent of potential violence. While Toronto’s municipal affairs were never as corrupt as elsewhere, the Orange Order operated as a de facto political machine throughout the nineteenth century. Between 1845 and 1900, all but three of Toronto’s twenty-three mayors and countless city councillors were members of an Orange Lodge. Protestant principles and moral order, as espoused by the Order, were synonymous with good governance and permeated the city’s culture. Moreover, the city council’s control over patronage ensured that fellow lodge members filled the civic administration, municipal utilities, and even, for a time, the police and fire departments. So wide was the Order’s influence at city hall, that on the occasion of the “Glorious Twelfth” in 1893, the Evening Telegram wrote in jest:
Like the temple of old Egypt
Empty as a noxious mine
Stood the City Hall deserted
For “the byes” were all in line.

20080705Orangemen.jpg
Drawing of Orangemen by C.W. Jefferys.
The first Grand Lodge was established in Toronto in 1830, and it expanded steadily so that (according to historian Greg Kealey) there were over 20 lodges in 1860, 31 in 1880, and 56 by 1895. Nevertheless, Kealey concludes that “the political and social importance of the order always transcended its official membership.” Even at the Order’s height in 1892 there were only about 2,500 or 4,000 paid members. In addition, there were scores of socially prominent citizens who were granted honorary membership but did not actually participate in official lodge business. Surprisingly, given the prestige of the institution in city life, lodge membership was predominantly drawn from the ranks of labourers, street railway workers, teamsters, and other elements of the working class. Besides sentimental patriotic or imperialist motivations, many Orangemen joined because the benefits of mutual aid, security, and health supports made it easier to survive the difficulties of working class life. Middle class members, such as professionals, small-shop owners, and tavern-keepers, saw membership in terms of commercial gain through the steady attraction of lodge members as clientele. The Order’s secrecy, solemn oaths, and masonic-type rituals bonded men together as part of a greater whole, and dressing in the order’s distinctive sash and regalia for the Twelfth of July parade let members show off their status and achievements to the greater community.
The deep Protestant flavour to city life made “The Belfast of Canada,” as Toronto was nicknamed, anything but hospitable to the great influx of Irish Catholic immigrants who arrived in the wake of the Great Famine. Despite their population growing from about 2,000 in the 1840s to 12,135 (or over 27% of the total population) in the 1860s, Irish Catholics could find only unskilled factory work that offered little opportunity to escape the appalling conditions of the slum neighbourhoods of Corktown and Cabbagetown. Aslocal historian Bruce Bell described it: “To be Irish and Catholic at the height of Victorian Toronto meant menial work with no promise of advancement.”
20080705ParadeMarshall.jpg
Photo of Parade Marshall on horseback in 1932. City of Toronto Archives, Series 1057, Item 2072.
In addition to this economic discrimination and political domination, Orangemen also used their Twelfth of July parades to intentionally challenge Irish Catholic, or Green, territory. In addition to St. Patrick’s Day and Guy Fawkes Night, Orangemen marching en masse through Green neighbourhoods each July was one of the most common causes for riots in nineteenth century Toronto. In the twenty-five years between 1867 and 1892, Orangemen and Irish Catholics clashed twenty-two times. For the most part, the ritualized violence was limited to fisticuffs, arrests, and broken windows. On two occasions, however, brawling escalated to full-scale sectarian violence.
In the Jubilee Riots of September 26, 1875, armed Orangemen took exception to a Catholic procession. A raucous crowd of 6,000-8,000 rocked the entire city core for a number of hours. Deployed to defend the Catholic right to parade, the Toronto Police were commended for keeping cool heads in the face of the violence. One history of the department recalled:
Revolver shots were fired by the mob with startling frequency, while stones and other missiles fell among the Police and processionists like hail. Many were seriously injured; and although fully armed not a single man so far forgot himself as to return the fire, but throughout all behaved with remarkable coolness and with a degree of forbearance that was certainly very creditable.
Three years later, on St. Patrick’s Day, another serious incident followed an incendiary speech by O’Donovan Rossa, a leading Fenian. A crowd of thousands gathered outside the hall—local historian Bruce Bell somewhat incredulously claims 30,000 took part in the riot—screaming for Rossa’s blood. It’s said that in order to escape, Rossa had to dress as a woman and flee down a back staircase while mob violence exploded outside. Once again, the police were called out to quell the Orangemen, but accounts differ as to the diligence with which they protected the Irish Catholics from being attacked.
The very fact that the the predominantly Protestant police force was deployed to restore order on both occasions demonstrates an interesting quirk of Orange power in the city. Toronto politicians, as Kealey puts it, “built or demolished their careers in proportion to lodge support.” They needed Orange support at election time, but were always caught between the Orangeman’s love of tradition and ritual—and the potential for subsequent violence—and the burgeoning city’s need for social order. Under increasing political pressure, religious riots ended by the late 1880s, and Twelfth of July parades became less focused on antagonistic anti-Catholic behaviour and remained popular well into the twentieth century.
20080705MayorFoster.jpg
Photo of Mayor Thomas Foster in an Twelfth of July Parade in 1927. City of Toronto Archives, Series 372, Sub-Series 41, Item 172.
Over the city’s history, the decline of lodge influence was declared prematurely numerous times. In 1893, newspapers heralded Mayor Robert John Fleming for breaking the “secret society influence at City Hall.” In 1928, Mayor Samuel McBride’s landslide victory was credited to his campaign literature, which stressed that he was “not dominated by any set or clique.” The Orange Order, however, remained an important force in partisan politics well into the twentieth century. The old-boy networks of provided by lodge member offered candidates a basis of electoral support for launching a campaign. But elections were fought on issues of taxation and public ownership of utilities, not on a polarization of Protestant and Catholic sentiment. Politicians had to reach far beyond the dwindling number of Orangemen for voter support. Once elected to city council, Orangemen did not vote as a single bloc, but as individual office-holders representing diverse interests. Policy continued to reflect an Orange influence because civic ambitions remained closely aligned to the Order’s tenets.
In the end, it was the growing cosmopolitanism and changing demographics of the booming city that finally put an end to Orange political influence. In the 1950s, MayorLeslie Howard Saunders, a leading Orangeman, set off a firestorm of sectarian controversy when his letter on official city stationery celebrating the Twelfth of July was criticized by the press and fellow Orangemen alike as being intolerant of religious minorities. Saunders’s fervent anti-Catholic rhetoric—as well as some nefarious uses of public funds—pushed voters towards Nathan Phillips. Of Jewish descent, Phillips became the first non-Protestant, non-Orangeman mayor of the twentieth century. When he was branded as “the mayor of all the people,” it was a direct repudiation of a hundred and fifty years of Orange Lodge influence in municipal politics.